Output:
because he had a spiritual affinity with the King he could make the works of Buddhism flourish.
   It was secretly foretold that Yōmei would achieve Buddhahood in the future.
         Master Yōmei first stayed at Mount Hsueh-tou in Mingchou (Ning-po). Many disciples
   came to listen to him. One day the Master said to the assembly:
         "Here in Hsueh-tou Mountain
         A rapid waterfall dashes down thousands of feet.
         Here nothing stays,
         Not even the tiniest grain ("chestnut" in Chang's version).
         An awesome cliff rises up thousands of feet
        With no space for you to stand.
        My disciples, may I ask:
        'Where do you proceed?'"
        A monk asked: "A path lies in the Hsueh-tou Mountain. How do you tread it?" The Master
   replied:
        "Step by step the wintry blossom is born:
        Each word is crystal clear as ice."


Output:
In 900 A.D., King Chung-i invited him to be the first Abbot of the new
monastery in the Ling-yin Mountain, and in the next year promoted him to
be Abbot of the famous Yung-ming Monastery (Yōmei-ji), as the successor
of the first Abbot Tsui-yen (Suigan). His followers numbered more than two
thousand.

       A monk asked: "What is the profound essence of the teaching in the Yung-ming Monastery
   (Yōmei-ji)?"
       The Master answered: "Put more incense in the burner."
       The questioner said: "Thank you for revealing it to me."
       The Master said: "Fortunately, I have nothing to do with the matter."
       The Master made the following gāthā:
       "To know the essence of the teaching in the Monastery of Yung-ming,
       Imagine that a lake lies in front of the door.
       When the sun shines upon it, a bright light is reflected.
       When the wind blows, the ripples rise."


Output:
The Master lived to seventy-two years old. His writings comprised several
hundred volumes, among them one hundred volumes of Tsung-ching-lu (
Sōkyō-roku ) were famous.
    His disciples were many, among them:
    Fu-yang Tze-meng (Fuyō Shimo)
    Chao-ming Yuan-tsin (Chōmyō Inshin)
     Yōmei Enju was concurrently the Sixth Patriarch of the Pure Land
School. The Patriarchs of the Pure Land School are listed below.
     (1) Tung-lin Hui-yuan (Tōrin E'on, 334-416)
     (2) Kuang-ming Shan-tao (Kōmei Zendō, 613-681)
     (3) Mi-tu Cheng-yuan (Mita Jōén, 712-802)
     (4) Cho-lin Wu-hui (Chikurin Go'e Kokushi)
     (5) O-lung Tai-yen (Oryū Daigan, d. 805)
     (6) Hui-ji Yung-ming Yen-shou (Yōmei Enju, 904-975)
     (7) Yuan-zing Sheng-chang (Enjō Shinchō, 959-1020)
     (8) Chang-lu Hung-tsi Tsung-chi (Kōsai Sōseki, 1009-1092)
     (9) Lien-chi Chih-hung (Renchi Chikō, 1535-1615)
     (10) Ngo-i Chih-hsueh (Gūéki Chikyoku, 1599-1655)
     According to Dharma Records of Abbot Hsu Yun , Vol. 8, pages 262-


Output:
265, since the Ummon School in China had its eleventh-generation dharma
heir Kuang-shiao Chi-an (Kōkō Kian), Reverend Hsu Yun was urged to
continue the Ummon line as its twelfth-generation dharma heir.
     According to the same reference, since the Hōgen School in China had
its seventh-generation dharma heir Hsiang-fu Liang-ching (Jōfu Ryōkyō),
Reverend Hsu Yun was urged to continue the Hōgen line as its eighth-
generation dharma heir.
     As mentioned in the end of Chapter 3, since the Igyō School in China
had its seventh-generation dharma heir, Reverend Hsu Yun was urged to be
its eighth-generation dharma heir.
         捌 云门宗和法眼宗
  云门文偃（864—929），嘉兴（在今浙江，原隶属江苏）人。最
先在睦舟道踪门下学习，后成为雪峰义存（822—908）的弟子。如果
按照述及人物的轶事数来判定禅宗大师的地位，那么云门文偃应名列
其首。布莱思在其《禅与禅宗经典》卷2中，用十五、十六和十七这三
章来介绍云门宗。云门文偃从小聪慧。当他认识到黄檗希运作为一位
禅宗大师的重要性后，即去谒见黄檗希运的弟子睦舟道踪，后者也以
“陈尊宿”而闻名。云门去叩他的门，睦舟道踪问：“谁？”云门说：“文
偃。”道踪问：“你要什么？”云门说：“我要了解我自己。请指点！”道
踪打开大门，看看他，又关了门。这样连续三天。到第三天，当门刚
开，云门文偃就推门进去，道踪抓住他说：“说话！”云门不知道该说
什么，道踪就推他出去。由于道踪关门过急，云门的一条腿卡住了，


Output:
什么，道踪就推他出去。由于道踪关门过急，云门的一条腿卡住了，
造成骨折。剧痛使他豁然醒悟。有关云门的许多轶事见《传灯录》卷
19（《大正藏》第51卷，第356—359页和拙著《禅宗师承记》第285—
295页）。
  如敏禅师在韶州灵树寺为住持，云门文偃为首席弟子。当如敏即
将圆寂时，他推荐云门文偃继任己位。云门不忘原来的老师雪峰义
存，尊雪峰为自己的禅门宗师。云门曾在全寺长老集会时说：


Output:
请别以为我今天是想用许多话来哄骗你们。不过我又不得不说，而会把事情说得很糟。
如果一个眼睛明亮的人看见我做这种事，那么我就是一个被嘲笑的对象。但现在我又怎么能
避免呢？我来问你们大家：你们在本源上缺乏什么？如果我告诉你们，你们心中不缺乏什
么，这也是欺骗。除非你们的领悟已经达到这一阶段，否则你们就还没有走上正确的道路。
当你们的心头还是黑漫漫的，别随随便便、急急忙忙地提出问题。在明天和今后的日子里，
为了达到顿悟，你们会有最重要的事去做。领会既差又笨拙的人，应该向古代大师们建立的
完善的教派去探索真谛的方方面面。要是你们得到一些内心的觉醒，这完全是由于你们本身
内在的缘故。当你们在无边劫难中漂泊时，你们的心中充满幻象。当你们听到旁人说到大道
时，就立刻想知道什么是大道并且开始询问佛陀和祖师是什么人。于是你们就到处寻求解
释。但是这样做，你们只会离开禅法更远，因为探索心灵正是偏离，谈论心灵更加糟糕。那
么，不去探索它才是正确的方法，这是否对呢？除了上面两种方法，还有没有其他方法呢？
请你们多加珍重！
  三乘和十二分教，横说竖说，天下老和尚纵横十字说，如果与我捻准针锋的道理相比，
他们的方法就像害死牲畜的庸医所提供的药物。虽然如此，也有几个人能够用这些方法达到
禅的境界。你们怎么可以期望言中有雷鸣、句里藏剑锋呢？眼睛一霎间会有千差万别，而风
平则浪静。请接受我的献言！务须慎重！
  ……要掌握禅法，必须体会禅法。如果你们没有体会它，别去装懂。你们应该退到心灵
深处来寻求你们的根基；这样一来就会找到何为真谛。外界片言只语的解释也丝毫不能用来
揭示你们内心的醒悟，你们每人都应该致力于自我认识的任务。一旦大功告成，你们也无需
费力，你们就会立刻与佛陀和祖师没有区别了。

上述引自张钟元教授《佛教禅宗之源》第283—286页的英语译文。下
面是另一段引文：


Output:
上述引自张钟元教授《佛教禅宗之源》第283—286页的英语译文。下
面是另一段引文：

  你们必须注意，切莫浪费时间游州猎县，横担拄杖，一千二千里行走，这边经冬，那边
过夏，好山好水堪取胜，多斋供应得衣钵，苦就苦在图他一粒米，失却半年粮。这样寻求禅
法是毫无用处的！……别这样虚度年华，浪费时间。别错过这一生向你提供的机会，因为你
不可能再有另一个机会……即使是一位凡人（云门文偃在这里指的是孔子）也说：“朝闻道，
夕死可矣。”我们沙门更须努力！我们必须努力，珍重！
  云门禅师上堂，大众云集，禅师举杖指向前面说：“世上一切佛徒，犹如无量沙，都在我
杖头所指处。他们正在辩论佛教旨意，每人都想辩出胜负。是否有人准备作证？如果无人，
我来作证。”当时有一僧人走出人群说：“请立刻作证。”大师即说：“你这野狐精！”

其他轶事还有：

  有人向云门文偃提一个问题：“如何是佛法大意？”云门答：“春来草自青。”
  一僧人说：“牛头法融未见四祖时如何？”
  云门：“家家观世音。”
  僧人：“牛头法融见过四祖后又如何？”
  云门：“火里蟭蟉吞大虫。”
  僧人：“如何是云门一曲？”
  云门：“腊月二十五。”
  僧人：“如何是雪岭泥牛吼？”
  云门：“天地黑。”
  僧人：“如何是云门木马嘶？”
  云门：“山河走。”
  僧人：“请指示我辈追求的最高真谛。”
  云门：“朝看东南，暮看西北。”
  僧人：“如果按照您的教导领会了则如何？”
  云门：“东屋里点灯，西屋里暗坐。”

  云门文偃寿至86岁。有一次他作了下列诗偈（见《五灯会元》卷
15）：

  云门耸峻白云低，水急游鱼不敢栖，
  入户已知来见解，何劳再举轹中泥。


Output:
云门耸峻白云低，水急游鱼不敢栖，
  入户已知来见解，何劳再举轹中泥。

  云门有许多弟子，其中有：
  （1）洞山守初（910—990）
  （2）香林澄远（？—987）
  （3）双峰慧真
  洞山守初有一位弟子福严良雅。香林澄远则有一大批禅法传人。
现将云门世系列举如下：
  （1）云门文偃（864—949）
  （2）香林澄远（？—987）
  （3）智门光祚
  （4）雪窦重显（980—1052）
  （5）天衣义怀（993—1064）
  （6）圆照宗本（1020—1099）
  （7）法云善本
  （8）雪峰思慧
  （9）净慈道昌
  （10）雷庵正受（1146—1208）
按：雷庵正受是1204年《普灯录》的编者。
  圆照宗本又名慧林宗本，他有若干位禅法兄弟，其中有：
  （6a）圆通法秀（1027—1090）
  （6b）广照应夫广照应夫的弟子洪济宗赜（1009—1092），同时
又是净土宗的八祖。圆通法秀有六十位弟子，其中有：
  （7a）佛国惟白
  （7b）开先智珣
  （7c）保宁英
佛国惟白是1101年的《续灯录》的编者。佛国惟白有一位弟子（8a）
慧林慧海，后者的弟子有（9a）万杉寿坚和（9b）万杉寿隆。
  慧林宗本约有两百位弟子，其中有法云善本、投子修颙和长芦
信。法云善本的弟子是雪峰思慧，后者的弟子是净慈道昌，净慈的弟
子是雷庵正受（1146—1208）。
  按：雪窦重显（980—1052）收集了一百则公案——古代禅林事件
的公开案例，用诗句和注解指出各个故事的重要含义。雪窦去世后大
约六十年，临济宗的圆悟克勤（1063—1135）增补了介绍、论述和评
注，采用圆悟讲法的湖南夹山住地碧岩之名，汇总编成《碧岩集》。
道元希玄（1200—1253）将《碧岩集》带到日本（其英译本为托马斯
和J. C.克利里所译，三卷本，沙姆巴拉出版公司，科罗拉多博尔德，
1977年出版）。
  作者在此谨向翻译了杰出英译文的托马斯和克利里致谢。现举
《碧岩集》中的第十四则公案如下：
  云门的对一说
  公案：

 一僧人问云门：“如何是一代时教？”
  云门答：“对一说。”

  评注：


Output:
一僧人问云门：“如何是一代时教？”
  云门答：“对一说。”

  评注：

  禅家流，欲知佛性义，当观时节因缘，谓之教外别传，单传心印，直指人心，见性成
佛。释迦老子，四十九年住世，三百六十会，开谈顿渐权实，谓之一代时教。这僧拈来问
云：“如何是一代时教？”云门何不与他纷纷解说，却向他道个“对一说”？云门寻常一句中，
须具三句，谓之函盖乾坤句、随波逐浪句、截断众流句，放去收来，自然奇特，如斩钉截
铁，教人义解卜度他底不得。一大藏教，只消三个字，四方八面，无尔穿凿处。人多错会，
却道对一时机宜之事故说。又道，森罗及万象，皆是一法之所印，谓之对一说。更有道，只
是说那个一法，有什么交涉，非唯不会，更入地狱如箭。殊不知，古人意不如此，所以道“粉
骨碎身未足酬，一句了然超百亿”，不妨奇特。“如何是一代时教？”只消道个“对一说”，若当
头荐得，便可归家稳坐；若荐不得，且伏听处分。

雪窦的诗颂：

  对一说，太孤绝，无孔铁锤重下楔。
  阎浮树下笑呵呵，昨夜骊龙拗角折。
  别别，韶阳老人得一橛！

评注：


Output:
“对一说，太孤绝。”雪窦赞之不及。此语独脱孤危，光前绝后，如万丈悬崖相似，亦如
百万军阵，无尔入处，只是忒煞孤危。古人道：“欲得亲切，莫将问来问，问在答处，答在问
端。”直是孤峻。且道什么处是孤峻处，天下人奈何不得。这僧也是个作家，所以如此问，云
门又恁么答，大似“无孔铁锤重下楔”相似。雪窦使文言，用得甚巧。
   “阎浮树下笑呵呵”，《起世经》中说，须弥南畔吠琉璃树，映阎浮洲中皆青色。此洲乃
大树为名，名阎浮提，其树纵广七千由旬，下有阎浮坛金聚，高二十由旬，以金从树下出生
故，号阎浮树。所以雪窦自说，他在“阎浮树下笑呵呵”。且道他笑个什么？笑“昨夜骊龙拗角
折”，只得瞻之仰之，赞叹云门有分。云门道“对一说”，似个什么，如拗折骊龙一角相似。到
这里若无恁么事，焉能恁么说话。雪窦一时颂了，末后却道：“别别，韶阳老人得一橛。”何
不道全得，如何只得一橛？在什么处？
洞山守初（910—990）是云门的弟子（见《传灯录》卷23，《大正
藏》第51卷，第389页；拙著《禅宗师承记》第299—301页），他谒见
云门，后者问他：“最近你从何处来？”洞山答：“楂渡。”云门问：“夏
天你在何处？”洞山答：“我在湖南报慈寺。”云门问：“你何时离开？”
洞山说：“去年八月。”云门大师说：“我赦免你三十杖！”第二天洞山
去问大师：“昨天您高兴地免了我三十杖，但我不知道我错在何处。”
大师说：“啊，你这个饭袋子！这就是你从江之西行脚到湖之南的路
啊！”一听到这话，洞山守初突然醒悟。其他轶事见于张钟元教授的
《佛教禅宗之源》第296—299页。
  香林澄远（？—987）也是云门的弟子。他是雪窦重显的禅法师祖
（见《传灯录》卷22，《大正藏》第51卷，第387页和拙著《禅宗师承
记》第301—302页）。一僧人问：“当心和境都失去时则如何？”香林
答：“开眼，坐睡。”一僧人问：“北斗里藏身是何意？”香林答：“月似
弯弓，少雨多风。”按，当一僧人问云门：“什么字句能穿透众生本
性？”云门答：“北斗里藏身。”试比较下面。一僧人问洞山守初：“衲
僧应有何种本分？”洞山答：“云裹楚山头，决定多风雨。”当一僧人问
香林禅师：“一切字句皆为‘客’，则主又如何？”香林答：“长安城内。”
一僧人问：“如何理解？”香林说：“千家万户。”
  玄沙师备（835—908）是雪峰义存的弟子（见《传灯录》卷18，


Output:
玄沙师备（835—908）是雪峰义存的弟子（见《传灯录》卷18，
《大正藏》第51卷，第343—347页；拙著《禅宗师承记》第296—298
页），他在30岁时出家为僧，在江西开元寺由道玄律师为授具足戒。
玄沙本是雪峰义存的师弟，但他视雪峰如师。按：玄沙比雪峰小13
岁，但比云门大29岁。布莱思在《禅与禅宗经典》第2卷第7章中载有
下列故事：


Output:
玄沙师备年少时，其父是渔民，并且已是老人。一晚其父从小船上落入水中。玄沙竭力
用桨救他（未果）。这时他看见水中的月影，惊呼道：“我记得古代的圣贤说过一切都如水中
之月。要是我父活着，他只会加重生在地狱中的苦难。反过来，我将割断尘缘成为僧侣，从
而克尽我的子职了。”玄沙找到一位教师，立下誓言，第二天夜晚梦见父亲来感谢说：“我儿
已经成为僧侣，我将一直在天堂生活，所以我来谢他。”

玄沙继承了雪峰的衣钵，并且传授禅法三十年。他约有八百位弟子，
其中十三人获得顿悟。
  玄沙的法嗣是罗汉桂琛（867—928），桂琛的弟子是法眼宗的创
建者法眼文益（885—958）（见《传灯录》卷24，《大正藏》第51
卷，第398—400页；拙著《禅宗师承记》第303—310页）。下文引自
张钟元教授的《佛教禅宗之源》第238—249页。


Output:
升州（今南京）清凉院法眼文益禅师是余杭人。俗姓鲁。7岁时即从新定智通院全伟禅师
落发。20岁时在越州（今浙江绍兴）开元寺受具足戒，当时知觉律师正在明州（宁波）育王
寺讲经，文益前往听讲，探索佛经深义。同时，他也研习儒家经典，与学者文人为友。知觉
律师高度重视文益，认为他犹如孔子门人子由和子夏。
   但当文益突然强烈要求探索禅宗真谛时，便立即放弃其他追求，拿起锡杖南游。他到福
州后即加入长庆慧棱（854—932）的法会。虽然他仍想继续寻求，但大众都非常尊重他。
   此后不久，文益再度结伴出发横渡鄱阳湖。刚要出发，天忽然暴雨。溪水涨没田地。文
益及其同伴因而暂时寄寓在福州城西地藏寺。到达该寺后，文益趁机参见罗汉桂琛（867—
928），后者问文益：“你到何处去？”文益答：“我将一路行脚去。”罗汉桂琛问：“何谓行
脚？”文益答：“我不懂。”罗汉桂琛说：“不懂最接近真谛。”文益豁然开悟。……
   一僧人问：“关于手指，我不想问，但什么是月亮？”文益说：“你不想问的手指在哪
里？”僧人说：“关于月亮，我不想问，但什么是手指？”文益禅师说：“月亮。”僧人说：“我问
的是手指，你为何回答我‘月亮’？”禅师说：“因为你问手指。”
   南唐王子对文益禅师的讲经说法，甚为敬佩，请他居住报恩禅寺，并赠封为净慧禅师。
禅师后住清凉寺，他来到僧众面前说：“我辈沙门应该按照时节因缘对一切来临之事作出反
应。天冷时，我们感知到的只是冷：天热时，我们感知到的只是热。如果我们要理解佛性，
我们必须注意绝对的时节和因缘。古往今来有许多顿悟的方法。你们有没有读过石头和尚的
《参同契》，当看了《肇论》中的‘会万物为己者，其唯圣人乎？’后立即说圣人无自己，却没
有一样不是自己。石头在《参同契》中首次指出：天竺佛心也不可能超越于此。在该论著中
石头进一步阐述了该思想。尔等僧人，需要醒悟，万物都与你自己等同。为什么？因为世上
并无单独孤立之物可以看见！”
前面曾提到洞山良价理解了石头的思想并将其发展为被曹山后来阐明
的五位学说。下列为从玄沙到法眼及其后人的一支法系：
  （1）玄沙师备（835—908）
  （2）罗汉桂琛（867—928）
  （3）法眼文益（885—958）
  （4）天台德韶（891—972）
  （5）永明延寿（904—975）
  天台德韶是国师。他18岁时在开元寺受戒。他参见过投子大同


Output:
（5）永明延寿（904—975）
  天台德韶是国师。他18岁时在开元寺受戒。他参见过投子大同
（819—914）和龙牙居遁（835—923），他也与疏山匡仁（龙牙居遁
的法门师兄弟）有过多次交谈。他参见过五十四位禅师，却未能从任
何一位处获得心灵印证。最后他去临川朝拜净慧（即法眼文益）。一
僧人问净慧禅师：“什么是曹源（曹溪之源）一滴水？”净慧禅师答：
“是曹源一滴水。”僧人迷惑不解，退下了。天台德韶却因此顿然开
悟。当天台德韶把他已悟解的对净慧禅师讲了以后，净慧说：“你今后
会成为君王之师，广传祖师教义。我不能与你相比。”
  德韶朝拜天台山，并沿着智顗走过的路走去。德韶俗姓陈。人们
认为德韶是天台大师智顗（531—597）的化身。吴越王任台州刺史时
曾请德韶说禅，继位后任命德韶为国师。经吴越王批准，派出使者去
新罗（今朝鲜半岛的一部分）寻找有关智顗的历史文献，由此天台宗
得到复兴。
  天 台 德 韶 的 弟 子 是 永 明 延 寿 （ 904—975 ） ， 见 《 传 灯 录 》 卷
26（《大正藏》第51卷，第421—422页，拙著《禅宗师承记》第311—
312页）。下文引自张钟元教授的《佛教禅宗之源》第250—253页。


Output:
杭州慧日山永明寺智觉禅师，余杭（在今浙江省）人。名延寿，俗姓王。从小即信佛家
学说。20岁时，就开始吃素，每日一餐，他读《法华经》非常迅速，几乎一目七行，约六十
天后就能背诵全文。据说他的诵经能使一群羊跪下来听经。他28岁时成为华亭镇守将军麾下
的一名军官。后来翠岩令参禅师（雪峰义存的弟子）来到龙册寺广传禅法。吴越文穆王知道
延寿悉心参禅，为他笃信佛法而深受感动。于是下令免除他的军职，让他成为僧人。延寿遂
去翠岩令参处成为弟子。在寺内他担任劳务，并完全忘我地为其他僧人做各种杂役，他从不
穿丝绸衣服，从不吃两道菜，只吃蔬菜作为每日食物，披一件粗布袍作为日常衣服，就这样
度过日日夜夜。
  后来他去天台山在天柱峰下静坐九十天。小鸟在他的僧袍的衣褶中筑巢。其后他去参谒
天台德韶国师，德韶高度赏识他，单独传授他禅法要旨。德韶国师告诉他，因为他与吴越王
有缘，定能大兴佛教，暗喻延寿将来定能成佛。
  延寿大师先隐居明州（宁波）雪窦山。许多弟子前来听讲。一天，大师对大众说：“雪窦
山上迅瀑千寻不停纤粟，奇岩万仞，无立足处，汝等诸人向何处进步？”一僧人问：“雪窦山
有一条小路。您如何走上去？”大师回答：“步步寒华结，言言彻底冰。”

  公元900年，忠懿王请他担任灵隐山新建寺第一任住持，次年，升
任他为著名的永明寺住持，作为第一任方丈翠岩令参的继任者。永明
延寿的门人有二千余人。

  一僧人问：“如何是永明寺教义的精髓？”
  大师答：“炉内多加香。”
  僧人说：“请给予启迪。”
  大师说：“惜哉，我无能为力。”
  大师作如下偈语：
  欲识永明旨，门前一湖水。
  日照光明生，风来波浪起。


Output:
大师享年72岁。其著作有数百卷，其中著名的有《宗镜录》一百卷。
  其弟子很多，其中有：
  富阳子蒙
  朝明院津
  永明延寿同时还是净土宗的六祖。现将净土宗的列祖名单序列如
下：
  （1）东林慧远（334—416）
  （2）光明善导（613—681）
  （3）弥陀承远（712—802）
  （4）竹林五会
  （5）乌龙台岩（？—805）
  （6）永明延寿（904—975）
  （7）圆净省常（959—1020）
  （8）洪济宗赜（1009—1092）
  （9）莲池袾宏（1535—1615）
  （10）藕益智旭（1599—1655）
  根据《虚云和尚法汇》卷8（第262—265页），由于云门宗在中国
的十一代法嗣为光孝己庵，虚云大师竭力继承云门系统成为它的十二
代法嗣。根据同一资料，由于法眼宗在中国的第七代法嗣是祥符良
庆，虚云大师也竭力成为法眼宗的第八代法嗣。正如本书第三章章末
所述，由于沩仰宗在中国已有第七代法嗣，虚云大师就竭力成为该宗
的第八代法嗣。
     BIBLIOGRAPHY                               参考文献
A History of Zen Buddhism , by Heinrich Dumoulin, S. J., English
      translation by Paul Peachey, Pantheon Books, New York, 1963.
Bodhidharma’s Lüeh-pien Ta-cheng Ju-tao Ssu-hsing 菩提达摩略辨大乘入
      道四行 (Bodaidaruma Ryakuben Daijō Nyudō Shigyō ), by Tan-lin
      昙琳.
Bukkyō Dainen Hyō 佛教大年表, by Mōgetsu Shinkyō 望月信亨, 1st ed.
      1909; 2nd ed. 1930; 3rd ed. 1937; 4th ed. 1955.
Ch’an-chi Kai-shih Lu of Abbot Lai Ko 来果禅师禅七开示录 (Zenshichi
      Kaiji Roku of Raika Zenji ), recorded by Tao-chen 道真 (Dōshin),
      1954.


Output:
1954.
Ch’an-tsung Chi-cheng 禅宗集成 (Zenshū Shūsei ), Selections from Manji
      Zoku Zōkyō 卍续藏经.
Ch’an-tsung Shih-chen Chi 禅宗师承记 (Zenshū Shijō Ki) , by Y. H. Ku,
      Chen Shan Mei Publishing Co., Taipei, 1976.
Cheng-fa-yen-tsang (Shōbōgenzō ), by Dōgen Kigen (1200-1253), recorded
      by Koun Ejō孤云怀奘.
Cheng-fa-yen-tsang 正 法 眼 藏 (Shōbōgenzō ), by Ta-hui Tsung-kao (Daie
      Sōkō, 1089-1163).
Cheng-yuan Liao-chi 正源略集 (Shōgen Ryakushū ), compiled by Pao-lun
      Tsi-yuan 宝轮际源 (Hōrin Saigen) and Chao-yueh Liao-chen昭月
      了贞 (Shōgetsu Ryōtei, 1729-1785), supplement by Pao-lin Ta-chen
      宝林达珍 (Hōrin Tatsuchin).
Chia-tai Pu-teng Lu 嘉泰普灯录 (Katai Futō Roku ), compiled by Lei-an
      Cheng-shou 雷庵正受 (Raian Shōju, 1146-1208).
Chien-chung Ching-kuo Hsü-teng Lu 建 中 靖 国 续 灯 录 (Kenchū Seikoku
      Zokutō Roku ), also known as Hsü Teng Lu (Zokutō Roku ),
      compiled by Fu-kuo Wei-po 佛国惟白 (Bukkoku Ibyaku).
Ching-te Chuan-teng Lu 景德传灯录 (Keitoku Dentō Roku ), compiled in


Output:
1004 A.D. by Tao-yuan 道原 (Dōgen).
Chuan-fa Cheng-tsung Chi 传法正宗记 (Denhō Shōsō Ki ), compiled by
      Chi-sung 契嵩 (Kaisū, 1007-1072).
Chung-ko Ku-tsun-su Yu-lu 重刻古尊宿语录 (Jukoku Kosonshuku Goroku
      ), compiled in 1267 by Chueh-hsin (Kakushin) 觉心.
Chung-kuo Ch’an-tsung Shih 中 国 禅 宗 史 (Chūkoku Zenshū Shi ), by
      Reverend Yin-shun 印顺, Taipei, 1975.
Chung-kuo Fo-chiao Shih 中国佛教史 (Chūkoku Bukkyō Shi ), by Chiang
      Wei-chiao 蒋维乔, Shanghai, 1928.
Denkō Roku 传光录 (Transmission of the Light ), by Keizan Shōkin 莹山绍
      瑾 (1268-1325).
Dharma Records of Abbot Hsu Yun 虚云和尚法汇, edited by Tsen Hsueh-
      lu 岑学吕, Hong Kong, 1953.
Essays in Zen Buddhism , by Daisets Teitarō Suzuki 铃 木 大 拙 贞 太 郎 ,
      Grove Press, New York(First Series, 1949, 1961).
History of Chinese Zen Buddhism 中国禅宗史 (in Chinese), by Reverend
      Yin-shun 印顺, Taipei, 1975.
Hsü Chuan-teng-lu 续传灯录 (Zoku Dentō Roku ), compiled by Yuan-chi
      Chu-ting 圆极居顶 (Enki Kochō, d. 1404).


Output:
Chu-ting 圆极居顶 (Enki Kochō, d. 1404).
Hsü Tsang Ching 续藏经 (Zoku Zōkyō ) (in Chinese), Hong Kong.
Hsū-kai Ku-tsun-su Yü-yao 续开古尊宿语要 (Zokukai Kosonshuku Goyō ),
      compiled by Hui-shih Shih-ming 晦室师明 (Kaishitsu Shimei).
Jih-pen Ch’an-seng Nieh-pan Chi 日本禅僧涅槃记 (in Chinese), by Tseng
      Pu-hsin 曾普信.
Jih-pen Ch’an-seng Shih-chen Chi 日本禅僧师承记 (in Chinese), by Y. H.
      Ku, Chen Shan Mei Publishing Co., Taipei, 1977.
Kao Seng Chuan (Kōsō Den ), Vol. I, compiled by Hui-chiao 慧皎 (Ekyō).
Kao Seng Chuan (Kōsō Den ), Vol. II, or Hsü Kao Seng Chuan 续高僧传
      (Zoku Kōsō Den), compiled by Tao-hsuan 道宣 (Dōsen, 596-667).
Kao Seng Chuan (Kōsō Den ), Vol. III, compiled by Tsan-ning 赞 宁
      (Sannei).
Kinse Zenrin Sōhō Den 近世禅林僧宝传 (in Chinese), Vol. I, by Doku’en
      Jōju 独园承珠, 1890, 1973; Vols. II and III by Shōhata Buntei 小畠
      文鼎, 1938, 1973.
Ku-tsun-su Yü-yao 古 尊 宿语要 (Kosonshuku Goyō ), compiled by Seng-
      ting Shou-tse 僧挺守赜 (Sōtei Shusaku) and published in 1144.


Output:
Lao Tzu: Tao Teh Ching 老子道德经 (translation), translated by John C. H.
      Wu 吴经熊, St. John’s University Press, Jamaica, N.Y., 1961.
Lieh-dai Fa-pao Chi 列代法宝记 (Rekidai Hōbō Ki ), reprinted in Daishō
      Shinshū Daizōkyō , Vol. 51.
Lin-chi Ch’an-shih Yü-lu 临济禅师语录 (Rinzai Zenji Goroku ), compiled
      by San-sheng Hui-jan 三圣慧然 (Sanshō Enen).
Living by Zen , by D. T. Suzuki 铃 木 大 拙 , with Foreword by Christmas
      Humphreys, published by Samuel Weiser, Inc., New York, 2008.
Meibatsu Chūkoku Bukkyō Kenkyū 明末中国佛教研究 (in Japanese), by
      Chang Sheng-yen张圣严, Tokyo, 1975.
Nippon Bukke Jinmyō Jisho 日本佛家人名辞书 (in Japanese), compiled by
      Jubi Jun 鹫尾顺, Tokyo Fine Arts Edition.
Original Teachings of Ch’an Buddhism: Selected from the Transmission of
      the Lamp , English translation by Chang Chung-yuan 张 钟 元 ,
      Pantheon Books, New York, 1969.
Outlines of Mahayana Buddhism , by D. T. Suzuki, Schoken Books Inc.,
      1963.
Pao-ching San-mei 宝 镜 三 昧 (Hōkyō Zammai , The Jeweled Mirror


Output:
Samadhi ), by Tung-shan Liang-chieh 洞 山 良 价 (Tōzan Ryōkai,
      807-869).
Pi-yen-lu 碧 岩 集 (Hekigan-roku , The Blue Cliff Record ), English
      translation by Thomas and J. C. Cleary, Sambhala Publications, Inc.,
      Boulder, Colorado, 1977.
Platform Scriptures 六祖坛经, English translation by Wing-tsit Chan陈荣
      捷, St. John’s University Press, Jamaica, N.Y., 1963.
Rekidai Hōbō Ki 列 代 法 宝 记 (in Chinese), reprinted in Daishō Shinshū
      Daizōkyō , Vol. 51.
Shen-hui Ho-shan I-chi 神 会 和 尚 遗 集 , compiled by Hu Shih 胡 适 ,
      “Academia Sinica,”Taipei, 1970.
Shih-shih I-nien Lu 释氏疑年录 (Shaku-shi Ginen Roku ), by Chen Yuan 陈
      垣, Fu-jen University, Peking.
Shōbōgenzō 正法眼藏 (True Dharma Eye ), by Dōgen Kigen 道元希玄,
      1231-1253.
Shōyō Roku 从容录, compiled by Manshō Kōshū 万松行秀 (1166-1246),
      based on Juko Hyaku Soku 颂古百则 by Wanshi Shōkaku 宏智正觉
      (1091-1157).
Sōtō-shū Zenshō 曹 洞 宗 全 书, published by Sōtō-shū Office, Tokyo, new
       edition 1976.


Output:
edition 1976.
Star-Lamp Records 星 灯 集 , by Hsu Yun 虚 云 , reprinted in Dharma
       Records of Abbot Hsu Yun , Hong Kong, 1953.
Ta-cheng Hsin-hsiu Ta-tsang Ching 大 正 新 修 大 藏 经 (Daishō Shinshū
       Daizōkyō ), 1924-1934.
The Development of Chinese Zen After the Sixth Patriarch in the Light of
       Mumonkan , English translation by Ruth Fuller Sasaki, The First
       Zen Institute of America, Inc., New York, 1953.
The Golden Age of Zen , by John C. H. Wu, Hwa Kang Bookstore, Taipei,
       1975.
The Practice of Zen , by Garma C. C. Chang 张 澄 基 , Perennial Library,
       Harper & Row Publishers, New York, 1970.
The Sound of the One Hand (translation with a Commentary), by Yoel
       Hoffman, Basic Books Inc., New York, 1975.
The Three Pillars of Zen , by Philip Kapleau, Beacon Press, 1967.
The Way of Zen , by Alan W. Watts, Pantheon Books, 1957.
The World of Zen , by Nancy Wilson Ross, Vintage Book, 1960.
Tien-sheng Kuang-teng Lu 天圣广灯录 (Tenshō Kōtō Roku ), compiled by


Output:
Li Tsun-hsu李遵勖 (Ri Junkyoku, d. 1038).
Tsan-tung-chi 参同契 (Sandōkai), by Shih-tou Hsi-chien (Sekitō Kisen 石
       头希迁, 700-790).
Tun-wu Ju-tao Yao-men Lun 顿悟入道要门论 (Tongo Nyūdō Yōmon Ron ),
       by Ta-chu Hui-hai大珠慧海 (Daishu Ekai), edited by Miao-hsieh 妙
       叶 (Myōkyō) and first published in 1374.
Wu-chia Yü-lu 五家语录 (Goke Goroku ), also known as Wu-tsung Lu 五宗
       录 (Goshū Roku ), compiled by Yü-feng Yuan-hsin 语风圆信 (Gofū
       Enshin) and Kuo Ning-chih 郭凝之(Kaku Gyōshi).
Wu-teng Yen-tung 五 灯 严 统 (Gotō Gontō ), compiled by Fei-yin Tung-
       yung 费隐通容 (Hi-in Tsuyō, 1593-1661) and Po-chih Yuan-kung
       百痴愿公 (Hyakuchi Gankō).
Zen and Japanese Culture , by D. T. Suzuki, Princeton University Press.
Zen and Zen Classics, Selections from R. H. Blyth , compiled and with
       drawings by Frederick Franck, Vintage Books, 1978.
Zen and Zen Classics , Vols. I to V, by R. H. Blyth, The Hokuseido Press,
       Tokyo, 1960-1974.
Zen Buddhism and Psychoanalysis , by Erich Fromm, D. T. Suzuki, and


Output:
Richard De Martino, Harper Colophon Books, Harper & Row
       Publishers, New York, 1960.
Zen Buddhism, Selected Writings of D. T. Suzuki , edited by William Barrett,
       Doubleday Anchor Books, 1956.
Zen Culture , by Thomas Hoover, Vintage Books, 1977.
Zen Dust 禅尘, by Isshu Miura 三浦一舟and Ruth Fuller Sasaki, Harcourt
       Brace Jovanovich, Inc., New York, 1966.
Zen Flesh, Zen Bones , compiled by Paul Reps, Doubleday Anchor Book,
       1960.
Zen is Eternal Life , by Jiyu Kennett, Dharma Publishing, Emeryville,
       California, 1976.
Zen Keys , by Thich Nhat Hanh, with an Introduction by Philip Kapleau,
       translated from the French into English by Albert and Jean Low,
       Doubleday Anchor Book, Garden City, N.Y., 1974.
Zen-shū Shi 禅宗史 (in Japanese), by Reverend Keidō (Kōhō) Chisan 孤峰
       智灿, 2nd ed. 1974.
Zen: Poems, Prayers, Sermons, Anecdotes, Interviews , edited and
       translated by Lucien Stryk and Takashi Ikemoto, Doubleday Anchor
       Book, Garden City, N.Y., 1965.


Output:
Book, Garden City, N.Y., 1965.
Zoku Tō Sonkō 续 灯 存 稿 , compiled by Shi Hai 施 沛 , reprinted in Zoku
       Zōkyō 续藏经, Vol. 145.
ADDITIONAL REFERENCES
A Dictionary of Buddhism , by T. O. Ling, Charles Scribner’s Sons, New
       York, 1972.
A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms , compiled by William Edward
       Soothill and Lewis Hodous, Kegan Paul, Trench, Truber & Co.,
       Ltd., London, 1937.
A History of the Interflow of China-Japan Buddhist Culture 中日佛教交通
       史, by Ven. Tungtsu, Taipei, 1970.
A History of the Interflow of Sino-India Buddhist Culture 中印佛教交通史,
       by Ven. Tungtsu释东初, Taipei, 1968, 1972.
A Man of Zen: The Recorded Sayings of Layman P’ang , English translation
       by Ruth Fuller Sasaki, Yoshitaka Iriya, and Dana R. Fraser, John
       Weatherhill, Inc., New York, 1971.
A Modern History of Buddhism in China (2 Vols.) 中国佛教近代史 (上下
       二册), by Ven. Tungtsu, Taipei, 1974.
A Primer of Sōtō Zen , a Translation of Dōgen’s Shōbōgenzō Zuimonki , by


Output:
Reihō Masunaga, University of Hawai‘i Press, 1975.
Manual of Zen Buddhism , by D. T. Suzuki, Grove Press, New York, 1960.
On Zen Practice , I and II, edited by Hakuyu Taizan Maezumi and Bernard
       Tetsugen Glassman， Zen Center of Los Angeles, 1976, 1977.
Pure Land & Ch’an Dharma Talks , by Reverend Hsuan-hua 宣化, Sino-
       American Buddhist Association, Inc., San Francisco, California,
      1974.
Sixth Patriarch’s Sutra , with Commentary of Reverend Hsuan-hua, Sino-
      American Buddhist Association, Inc., San Francisco, California,
      1977.
Zen for Americans , including the Sutra of Forty-two Chapters, by Sōyen
      Shaku 释 宗 演 , English translation by D. T. Suzuki, Open Court
      Publishing Co., La Salle, Illinois, 1906, 1974.
LIST OF CHARTS                          附表十八种
Chart I       From Daruma to Enō 从达摩到慧能
Chart II      From Enō to Eisai and Dōgen 从慧能到荣西与道元
Chart III     From Engo Kokugon to Hakuin 从圆悟到白隐
Chart IV      From Kanzan Egen to Hakuin 从关山到白隐


Output:
Chart IV      From Kanzan Egen to Hakuin 从关山到白隐
Chart V       From Hakuin to Takujū Line 从白隐到卓洲系
Chart V A     From Hakuin to Inzan Line 从白隐到隐山系
              From Engo Kokugon to Kozan, Kōmin, and Ingen Lines 从
Chart VI
              圆悟到鼓山、高旻与隐元系
Chart VI A    The Kozan Line 鼓山系
Chart VI B    The Kōmin and Zengen Lines 高旻及禅源系
Chart VI C    The Kōten and Tennei Lines 江天及天宁系
Chart VII     The Myōhō Sosetsu Line 明峰素哲系
Chart VII A   The Gasan Shōseki Line 峨山绍硕系
Chart VIII    The Keizan and Kangan Lines 莹山与寒岩系
Chart IX      From Tsūgen to Ryōan Line 从通幻到了庵系
              From Tsūgen to Fusai and Sekioku Lines 从通幻到普济与
Chart IX A
              石梁系
              From Rokumon to Shōzan Shinetsu and Irin Lines 从鹿门到
Chart X
              焦山、为霖与心越系
Chart X A     The Shōzan Line 焦山（古樵）系
Chart X B     The Irin Line 为霖系
Chart I From Daruma to Enō   从达摩到慧能
Chart II From Enō to Eisai and Dōgen   从慧能到荣西与道元
Chart III From Engo Kokugon to Hakuin   从圆悟到白隐
Chart IV From Kanzan Egen to Hakuin   从关山到白隐


Output:
Chart IV From Kanzan Egen to Hakuin   从关山到白隐
Chart V From Hakuin to Takujū Line   从白隐到卓洲系
      Chart V A From Hakuin to Inzan Line   从白隐到隐山系


Output:
* Present Abbot of Myōshin-ji 妙心寺独住
** Recently retired Abbot of Myōshin-ji
Chart VI From Engo Kokugon to Kozan, Kōmin, and Ingen
          Lines从圆悟到鼓山、高旻与隐元系
Chart VI A The Kozan Line   鼓山系
NOTE: Reverend Myōren Shōka, also known as Myōren Chika 妙莲地华 belonged to both the Rinzai
School and the Sōtō School. (See Dharma Records of Abbot Hsu Yun , Vol. 8, page 265.) His
dharmateacher Kiryō Jinhan, also known as Kiryō Tetsuhan 奇量彻繁belonged to both the Rinzai and
Sōtō Schools. According to Ku-shan Lieh-tsu Lien-fang Chi 鼓山列祖联芳集, Kiryō, the 123rd Abbot,
belonged to the 44th generation in the SōtōSchool, and Myōren, the 126th Abbot at Ku-shan, belonged
to the 45th generation. Tracing backward, Jōkū Ken’in (d. 1875) 净空兼印, the 118th Abbot, belonged
to the 43rd generation, and Nōji Tenshō (d. 1848) 能持天性, the 116th Abbot, belonged to the 42nd
generation.(See also Chart X B). Now Abbot Hsu Yun, the 130th at Ku-shan, considered himself


Output:
belonging to the 47th generation in the Sōtō School. His dharma name was Kogan 虚云古岩. “Ko” was
common to EnrōKogetsu 圆朗古月, the 127th Abbot, who succeeded Myōren in 1902 and passed away
in 1919, and ShinkōKoki (d. 1924) 振光古辉, the 128th Abbot.
Chart VI B The Kōmin and Zengen Lines   高旻及禅源系
NOTE: Gyokūrin Tsūshū was considered the Honorary Founder of Kao-min (Kōmin) Temple高旻寺,
Yangchow. The lineages (keifu) of the Kao-min (Kōmin) line and the Ch’anyuan (Zengen) line were
taken from Mōgetsu Shinkyō’s Bukkyo Dainen Hyō 望月信亨：佛教大年表, 4th edition, page 52. The
author is indebted to Reverend Lun-tsan 伦参法师 of Hong Kong and Reverend Yen-chih 严持法师of
Hua-Lien Buddhist Lotus Institute, Taiwan, for the information from Gyokūrin to Raika. Reverend Po-
Yun (Haku’un) 白云上座 kindly supplied the name of Yin-yuan Li (ōgen Ri) 应元理 between Tokūji
Kū’en and Rōki Riji. Note that Shōgetsu Ryōtei 昭 月 了 贞 and Hōrin Saigen 宝 轮 际 源 were the
compilers of Shōgen Ryakushū 正 源 略 集 and Hōrin Tatsuchin 宝 林 达 珍 was the compiler of its
Supplement.


Output:
Supplement.
Chart VI C The Kōten and Tennei Lines   江天及天宁系
NOTE: Jaku’an (Rian) Tsūmon, dharma-heir of Ten’in Enshū 天隐圆修 (1575-1635) and co-complier
of Zokutō Sonkō 续 灯 存 稿 , was the Honorary Founder of Kiang-tien (Kōten) Temple 江 天 寺 ,
Chinshan (Kinzan) 金 山 . Five generations later, Nansen Saikai became the Founder of Tien-ning
(Tennei) Temple 天宁寺, Changchow (Kiangsu). The lineage from Tetsushū Kōkai to Inju Mitsuzōand
the lineage from Nansen Saikai to Yakai Seiyō were taken from Mōgetsu Shinkyō’s Bukkyō Dainen
Hyō 望月信亨：佛教大年表, 4th edition, page 52. The author wishes to thank Reverend Yen-chih 严
持法师 of Hua-lien Buddhist Lotus Institute for supplying additional names. (In the Kōten line, Daigyō
Jitsutetsu 大晓实彻had other disciples: TokukōSai’en 德宏际圆, Sōkō Saichū 沧洪际注, Fukō Saimei
扶功际明 and Saikaku 际觉. In the Tennei line, Jōtoku Ryōgetsu 净德了月had other disciples: Teisei
Tatsuden 鼎成达传, Sekisen Tatsutei 石泉达鼎, Ekyo Tatsurin 慧炬达轮, Kōsan Tatsumei 广参达明,
Rōshō Tatsu’iku朗照达昱 and Ryōtō Tatsu’u染栋达宇.)


Output:
Rōshō Tatsu’iku朗照达昱 and Ryōtō Tatsu’u染栋达宇.)
                               明峰素哲系
Chart VII The Myōhō Sosetsu Line
* Former Abbot of Sōji-ji 前总持寺独住
** Present Abbot of Sōji-ji 总持寺独住
*** Present Abbot of Eihei-ji 永平寺住持
                                 峨山绍硕系
Chart VII A The Gasan Shōseki Line
NOTE: The lineage from Taigen Sōshin to Sengai Ekidō was based on Mōgetsu Shinkyō’s Bukkyō
Dainen Hyō , 4th edition, page 58. Sengai Ekidō was Chief Abbot (Dokuju 独 住 ) of Sōji-ji and
concurrently Kanchō 贯长 of the Sōtō-shū Group. He was succeeded by Daioka Baisen (1825-1910) 大
冈楳仙 and Mokusan Kin’ei (1821-1910)穆山瑾英. Daikyū Goyū was Chief Abbot (Kanshu 贯首) of
Eihei-ji, succeeding Rosan Takushū (1836-1897) 鲁山琢宗.
                                     莹山与寒岩系
Chart VIII The Keizan and Kangan Lines
Chart IX From Tsūgen to Ryōan Line   从通幻到了庵系
* Recently retired Abbot of Sōji-ji总持寺独住
Chart IX A From Tsūgen to Fusai and Sekioku Lines   从通幻到普
                        济与石梁系
* Present Abbot of Saijō-ji最乘寺住持


Output:
* Present Abbot of Saijō-ji最乘寺住持
Chart X From Rokumon to Shōzan, Shinetsu and Irin Lines   从鹿
                 门到焦山、为霖与心越系
Chart X A The Shōzan Line   焦山(古樵)系
Chart X B The Irin Line   为霖系
NOTE: According to Mōgetsu Shinkyō’s Bukkyō Dainen Hyō 望月信亨：佛教大年表, 4th edition,
page 48, the Ku-shan (Kozan) line 鼓山系 started from Ku-shan Yuan-hsien [Kozan Genken 鼓山元贤
(1578-1657)], followed by Irin Dōhai (1615-1702). The next was Ijo Dōan 惟 静 道 安 . Then Kōto
Daishin (d. 1728), who was Dōhai’s dharma-heir, followed. Then the list gave: Engyoku Kōgō 圆玉兴
五, Zōsen Hō’in 象先法印, Tannen Hōbun 淡然法文, Jōmin Hōjun 常敏法濬, before Henshō Kōryū
(d. 1775), who was Kōtō’s dharma-heir. So Mōgetsu’s lineage was the “garan” line 伽蓝系, but not the
“dharma” line. This “garan” line checked with the list of Abbots given in Kushan Lieh-tsu Lien-fang
Chi 鼓山列祖联芳集, reprinted in Dharma Records of Abbot Hsu Yun 虚云和尚法汇, Vol. 9, pages
266–297.
     Note that Irin Dohai was the 96th Abbot at Ku-shan, Kōtō was the 98th Abbot, Henshō was the


Output:
103rd Abbot, Seijun was the 104th Abbot, Tōyō was the 105th Abbot, Dōgen was the 106th Abbot, and
Kei’un was the 107th Abbot. Now Enchi was the 111th Abbot, while his dharmateacher Zōki was the
113th Abbot. Enchi’s dharma-heir Nōji was the 116th Abbot, and Nōji’s heir Untei was the 117th
Abbot.
     The author wishes to thank Reverend Yen-chih (Genji) 严持法师 for supplying the above lineage.


Output:
Published by Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

No. 19 Xisanhuan Beilu

Beijing, China 100089

http://www.fltrp.com

图书在版编目（CIP）数据

儒释道耶与中国文化：汉英对照／汤一介著．--北京：外语教学与研究出版社，2016.9

ISBN 978-7-5135-8160-8

Ⅰ．①儒…　Ⅱ．①汤…　Ⅲ．①宗教文化－文集－汉、英②中华文化－文集－汉、英　Ⅳ．①B920-53　②K203-53

中国版本图书馆CIP数据核字（2016）第246916号

出版人　　蔡剑峰

系列策划　吴　浩

责任编辑　易　璐

出版发行　外语教学与研究出版社

社　　址　北京市西三环北路19号（100089）

网　　址　http://www.fltrp.com

版　　次　2016年11月第1版

书　　号　ISBN 978-7-5135-8160-8

凡侵权、盗版书籍线索，请联系我社法律事务部

举报电话：（010）88817519　电子邮箱：banquan@fltrp.com

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中咨律师事务所　殷　斌律师

目　录

CONTENTS

“博雅双语名家名作”出版说明

I．AN INQUIRY INTO THE POSSIBILITY OF A THIRD-PHASE DEVELOPMENT OF CONFUCIANISM

壹　关于儒家思想第三期发展可能性的探讨

II．CONFUCIANISM & CONSTRUCTIVE POSTMODERNISM

贰　儒学与建构性后现代主义

III．THE CONTEMPORARY SIGNIFICANCE OF CONFUCIANIS

叁　儒学的现代意义

IV．IMMANENCE AND TRANSCENDENCE IN CHINESE CHAN BUDDHISM

肆　论禅宗思想中的内在性与超越性

V．THE ORIGIN AND CHARACTERISTICS OF DAOISM

伍　论道教的产生和它的特点

VI．THE ATTEMPT OF MATTEO RICCI TO LINK CHINESE AND WESTERN CULTURES


Output:
陆　论利玛窦汇合东西文化的尝试

VII．QUESTIONS CONCERNING THE CATEGORICAL SYSTEM OF TRADITIONAL CHINESE PHILOSOPHY

柒　论中国传统哲学范畴体系的诸问题

VIII．A RECONSIDERATION OF THE QUESTION OF "THE TRUE, THE GOOD, AND THE BEAUTIFUL" IN TRADITIONAL CHINESE PHILOSOPHY

捌　再论中国传统哲学的真善美问题

IX．ON THE CLASH AND COEXISTENCE OF HUMAN CIVILIZATIONS

玖　“文明的冲突”与“文明的共存”

X．THE COEXISTENCE OF CULTURAL DIVERSITY: SOURCES OF THE VALUE OF HARMONY IN DIVERSITY

拾　文化的多元共处——“和而不同”的价值资源

NOTES　注释

汤一介（1927-2014），中国当代哲学家、哲学史家，原籍湖北黄梅。主要研究魏晋玄学、早期道教、儒家哲学、中西哲学比较等，著述宏富。曾任教育部哲学社会科学研究重大课题攻关项目“《儒藏》编纂与研究”首席专家、北京大学儒学研究院院长、中国文化书院创院院长、中华孔子学会会长等职。

“博雅双语名家名作”出版说明

1840年鸦片战争以降，在深重的民族危机面前，中华民族精英“放眼看世界”，向世界寻求古老中国走向现代、走向世界的灵丹妙药，涌现出一大批中国主题的经典著述。我们今天阅读这些中文著述的时候，仍然深为字里行间所蕴藏的缜密的考据、深刻的学理、世界的视野和济世的情怀所感动，但往往会忽略：这些著述最初是用英文写就，我们耳熟能详的中文文本是原初英文文本的译本，这些英文作品在海外学术界和文化界同样享有崇高的声誉。


Output:
比如，林语堂的My Country and My People （《吾国与吾民》）以幽默风趣的笔调和睿智流畅的语言，将中国人的道德精神、生活情趣和中国社会文化的方方面面娓娓道来，在美国引起巨大反响——林语堂也以其中国主题系列作品赢得世界文坛的尊重，并获得诺贝尔文学奖的提名。再比如，梁思成在抗战的烽火中写就的英文版《图像中国建筑史》文稿（A Pictorial History of Chinese Architecture ），经其挚友费慰梅女士（Wilma C. Fairbank）等人多年的奔走和努力，于1984年由麻省理工学院出版社（MIT Press）出版，并获得美国出版联合会颁发的“专业暨学术书籍金奖”。又比如，1939年，费孝通在伦敦政治经济学院的博士论文以Peasant Life in China—A Field Study of Country Life in the Yangtze Valley 为名在英国劳特利奇书局（Routledge）出版，后以《江村经济》作为中译本书名——《江村经济》使得靠桑蚕为生的“开弦弓村”获得了世界性的声誉，成为国际社会学界研究中国农村的首选之地。

此外，一些中国主题的经典人文社科作品经海外汉学家和中国学者的如椽译笔，在英语世界也深受读者喜爱。比如，艾恺（Guy S. Alitto）将他1980年用中文访问梁漱溟的《这个世界会好吗——梁漱溟晚年口述》一书译成英文（Has Man a Future?—Dialogues with the Last Confucian ），备受海内外读者关注；此类作品还有徐中约英译的梁启超著作《清代学术概论》（Intellectual Trends in the Ch'ing Period ）、狄百瑞（W. T. de Bary）英译的黄宗羲著作《明夷待访录》（Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince ），等等。

有鉴于此，外语教学与研究出版社推出“博雅双语名家名作”系列。

博雅，乃是该系列的出版立意。博雅教育（Liberal Education）早在古希腊时代就得以提倡，旨在培养具有广博知识和优雅气质的人，提高人文素质，培养健康人格，中国儒家六艺“礼、乐、射、御、书、数”亦有此功用。


Output:
双语，乃是该系列的出版形式。英汉双语对照的形式，既同时满足了英语学习者和汉语学习者通过阅读中国主题博雅读物提高英语和汉语能力的需求，又以中英双语思维、构架和写作的形式予后世学人以启迪——维特根斯坦有云：“语言的边界，乃是世界的边界”，诚哉斯言。

名家，乃是该系列的作者群体。涵盖文学、史学、哲学、政治学、经济学、考古学、人类学、建筑学等领域，皆海内外名家一时之选。

名作，乃是该系列的入选标准。系列中的各部作品都是经过时间的积淀、市场的检验和读者的鉴别而呈现的经典，正如卡尔维诺对“经典”的定义：经典并非你正在读的书，而是你正在重读的书。

胡适在《新思潮的意义》（1919年12月1日，《新青年》第7卷第1号）一文中提出了“研究问题、输入学理、整理国故、再造文明”的范式。秉着“记载人类文明、沟通世界文化”的出版理念，我们推出“博雅双语名家名作”系列，既希望能够在中国人创作的和以中国为主题的博雅英文文献领域“整理国故”，亦希望在和平发展、改革开放的新时代为“再造文明”、为“向世界说明中国”略尽绵薄之力。

外语教学与研究出版社

人文社科出版分社

I．AN INQUIRY INTO THE POSSIBILITY OF A THIRD-PHASE DEVELOPMENT OF CONFUCIANISM


Output: Is there the possibility for Confucianism to have a third-phase development? In saying this we mean to regard the school of thought advocated by Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi during the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States as the first-phase development of Confucianism. After the Han Dynasty Buddhism spread to China. Under the impact of Buddhist ideas, a Confucian school of idealist philosophy emerged during the Song and Ming dynasties. It greatly pushed forward the Confucian doctrines and constituted the second-phase development of Confucianism. Over the last century, Western civilization has found its way into China. Especially around the time of the May Fourth (1919) Movement, Marxism was also disseminated into our country. That gave an even bigger and more serious impact on China's traditional thought and culture. Under such circumstances, is it possible for Confucianism to have a third-phase development? Can it be brought back to life? Can it still have a role to play in China in particular


Output: still have a role to play in China in particular and the world at large? In my opinion, it is perhaps too early to conduct an all-round discussion of this issue. However, to raise questions and opinions from certain angles in an attempt to push the inquiry forward may prove helpful.


Output:
In discussing whether it is possible for Confucianism to have a third-phase development, we must, first of all, acquire a clear understanding about the basic spirit of Confucianism. Regarding this basic spirit, there have been in the past, and may be in the future, a variety of different views. The existence of different views is not necessarily a bad thing; it may help deepen the study of this issue. In clarifying the basic spirit, I think attention should be paid to two parts: the part of thoughts that have been constantly effective in the entire course of development of Confucianism, and the part of thoughts that still have vitality today. To combine the two for consideration, we may perhaps find out whether a third-phase development of Confucianism is possible from a certain aspect.

Running through the entire course of development of Confucianism, I believe, are two basic elements that still bear a major significance to us today: one is idealism, the other humanism; and the two are connected.


Output: Confucianism is a kind of idealism. Starting from Confucius, this school of thought has cherished the ideal of having a society in which "right principles prevail" and has made every effort to materialize the ideal in the real world. Despite its acknowledgment of the unattainability of such a goal, it still insists that one should foster the ideal and dedicate oneself to realize it in the spirit of "doing the impossible." Therefore when Zigong asked Confucius: "What if one can generously give to the people and provide relief to them? Can that be called benevolence?" Confucius answered: "One who behaves with benevolence must be a saint! Even Yao and Shun fell short of that." Evidently Confucius did not regard the society of Yao and Shun's time as a society of man's highest ideal. Thus it involves the problem of what we should see as an ideal society. According to the Confucians, an ideal society is an ideal, which has the possibility, and not the necessity, of being realized. Despite the fact that an ideal


Output: of being realized. Despite the fact that an ideal society has never been realized before, it is a matter of fundamental importance, a problem of one's attitude toward life, whether or not one should seek to realize it. It is the Confucians' belief that one should ceaselessly seek after it. This is why, as I see it, people at that time criticized Confucians as "being ignorant of world affairs." Though it is not necessary that an ideal society be realized in the real world, it can be, as far as the Confucian philosophers are concerned, realized in their minds. Why is it that West Inscription by Zhang Zai was so highly respected by later Confucians? It was that, as I see it, West Inscription embodied the Confucian spirit of seeking to realize an ideal society, plus that Zhang Zai had already built in his mind the ideal society. True, whether the ideal society in which "the people are my brothers and I share my things with them," as Zhang Zai conceived, could be realized in the real world was important to him,


Output: realized in the real world was important to him, but more important was whether one could have a world outlook of pursuing an ideal society. Therefore the last sentence of West Inscription says: "I carry on my pursuit when alive, and rest at ease when I die." While one lives, one has a duty to fulfill. The duty is to exert oneself for the realization of the ideal "world of commonweal." It can be said that this is an attitude of "concerning oneself only about the cultivation instead of the gains." Whoever holds such an attitude toward life has a clear conscience. Don't we today need to have an attitude like this more than ever?


Output: Confucianism is a kind of idealism that has humanism as its prerequisite. Why is it that man must have an ideal and seek to build an ideal society? According to the Confucians, man is the most important factor in the world, because he can "formulate ethics for the universe, provide sustenance for the people, carry forward consummate learnings into posterity, and win peace for thousands of generations to come." Confucius said: "Man can enhance the Way and not the reverse." The "Way" or the "Way of Nature" is an objective existence. But it needs to be enhanced and carried forward by man; it has to be effected by man through practice. How can man embody the "Way of Nature"? If, as the Confucians envisaged, man can understand how "Heaven is integrated with man," "knowledge is integrated with practice," and "feeling is integrated with scenery," man can then attain the loftiest realm of being a man. In other words, man can congeal in his heart the ideal of the true, the good, and the beautiful.


Output: The integration of Heaven with man, knowledge with practice, and feeling with scenery are the three basic propositions the Chinese traditional philosophy made about the true, the good, and the beautiful; they are the ideal realms the Confucian school has been trying to attain. Why is it that Confucianism is in pursuit of the three integrations? In my opinion, Confucianism is nothing more than a teaching that teaches one how to behave oneself; namely, one should set a demand on oneself and hold oneself responsible to the world and the nation. This is a very common question, but involves a task extremely difficult to fulfill. Whoever has attained such an ideal realm of the true, the good, and the beautiful is a saint.


Output: Although the proposition of integrating Heaven with man is designed to illustrate the relations between man and the entire universe, it begins with man as the center of the universe. Zhongyong (The Golden Mean ) stated: "Being honest is the Way of Heaven. Striving to be honest is the Way of man. An honest man hits the right Way without difficulty and understands it without deliberation. One who conforms oneself to the Way of Heaven without qualm is a saint." Therefore a saint not only behaves himself in conformity with the requirements of the Way of Heaven but also assumes as his responsibility the fulfillment of such requirements. In living a life in this world, one should not behave oneself with a passive attitude; rather, one should "make unremitting efforts to improve oneself" in order to embody the ceaseless flow and evolution of nature. In this way, man will set a demand on himself; he will find a reason for his existence and foster a lofty ideal. Since one has set a demand on oneself and found a


Output: Since one has set a demand on oneself and found a reason for one's existence, the most important thing is for one to "integrate one's understanding with one's behavior" so that one can have a unified viewpoint on understanding and behavior in terms of morality and self-cultivation. The three programs and eight articles outlined in Daxue (The Great Learning ) tell us exactly what this is about. It is said in Daxue :


Output: The Way of the great learning lies in shedding light on the bright principles, being close to the people, and stopping at nothing but the utmost good. Those in ancient times who wanted to shed light on the bright principles for the world had to first bring order to their own kingdoms. To bring order to their kingdoms they had to first bring their own houses to order. To bring their houses to order they had to first cultivate their own moral character. To cultivate their own moral character they had to first set their minds straight. To set their minds straight they had to first foster a sincere desire. To foster a sincere desire they had to first carry knowledge to the utmost degree. To carry knowledge to the utmost degree they had to first inquire into the properties of things. Having inquired into the properties of things, they were able to carry knowledge to the utmost degree. Having carried knowledge to the utmost degree, they were able to foster a sincere desire. Having fostered a sincere desire, they


Output: desire. Having fostered a sincere desire, they were able to set their minds straight. Having set their minds straight, they were able to cultivate their own moral character. Having cultivated their own moral character, they were able to bring their houses to order. Having brought their houses to order, they were able to bring order to their kingdoms. Having brought order to their kingdoms, the whole world would be at peace.


Output: This is a process of cognizance, still more a process of moral practice. Man must have an ideal, and the highest ideal is to "achieve peace" so that human society can attain a realm of "Great Harmony." And the world of "Great Harmony" requires that everyone should set for himself a demand for being a man, a reason for being a man, and "not do to others what one does not wish done to oneself." Noted Confucius: "To implement my principle is nothing more than being honest and just." Whether the ideal society of "Great Harmony" can be attained or not remains a question, of course. But a Confucian must have such a goal and find pleasure in pursuing it. To lead an existence in the world and be a man, one must find pleasure in doing it and appreciate the creation of the universe. And to have a true appreciation of Nature one must be able to display creativity and man's spiritual realm in reproducing the "creation of the universe." One must be able to show why man should be a man, to create poetry and prose


Output: man should be a man, to create poetry and prose "masterpieces," paintings of "superb work," and music like "sounds of nature." This is why art requires that "feeling be integrated with scenery." Wang Fuzhi observed: "In name feeling and scenery are two things, but in reality they are inseparable. Those gifted in writing poetry are capable of unlimited wit. A witty line naturally has feeling in the midst of scenery and scenery in the midst of feeling." "Once feeling is integrated with scenery, a witty remark is ready at hand." When one enters the realm of creation, it will be a realm in which the true, the good, and the beautiful are integrated with one another. This is precisely where the meaning of life and the highest ideal of mankind lie. Confucius described himself as "doing things at will without violating rules at the age of seventy." Probably it was the ideal realm as mentioned above. Indeed, it must be the realm of a saint when whatever one says and does is in harmony with the entire universe,


Output: and does is in harmony with the entire universe, society, and one's own frame of mind.


Output:
That Confucianism still has a value for its continued existence is perhaps due to the sole fact that it provides us a reason for being a man. It is most difficult for one to be a man, still more to maintain a harmony between oneself and nature, society and others, or between one's inside and outside in body and soul. Is such a requirement unnecessary in today's world? As Confucianism only tells us the reason for being a man, we should not set demands on it in other aspects. And it should come as no surprise that it suffers from some inadequacies.

壹　关于儒家思想第三期发展可能性的探讨 *

儒家思想有没有第三期发展的可能性，这是把春秋战国时期孔孟荀等看成儒家发展的第一期；汉朝以后佛教传入中国，在经过佛教思想的冲击之后，到宋明产生了理学，儒家思想有了很大发展，成为儒家思想发展的第二个时期；近百年来，西方文明的传入，五四运动前后马克思主义又传入中国，这一冲击比佛教对中国传统思想文化的冲击更大、更严重，在这样的情况下，儒家思想有没有第三期发展的可能性？它会不会“死而复生”？它还能不能在中国、在世界上起作用？我想，全面地讨论这个问题或者为时过早，但试图从某些方面提出一些问题和看法，也许对于推动这一问题的探讨是有益的。


Output:
讨论儒家思想第三期发展的可能性，首先应弄清儒家思想的基本精神。对于儒家思想的基本精神过去有各种各样不同的看法，今后仍然会有各种各样不同的看法。有不同的看法并不一定是坏事，它会推动对儒家思想的基本精神的研究。弄清儒家思想的基本精神，我觉得可以注意两点：一点是要注意贯穿儒家思想整个发展过程中经常起作用的某些思想；另一点是它到目前为止仍然有活力的那一部分。把这两个方面统一起来考虑，也许可以从某一侧面看到儒家思想有没有第三期发展的可能性。

我认为贯穿整个儒家思想发展过程中有两个基本精神对我们今天仍有很大意义，一是理想主义，二是人本主义，而这两者又是结合在一起的。

在中国传统思想中有一种理想主义，从孔子起就向往着“天下有道”的社会，并且极力想把它实现于现实社会之中，甚至并不认为它完全能够实现，但却认为人们应有这种理想，应有“知不可而为之”的精神而致力于此。所以当子贡问孔子“如有博施于民而能济众，何如？可谓仁乎？”的时候，孔子回答说：“何事于仁，必也圣乎！尧舜其犹病诸。”可见孔子并没有认为尧舜时期的社会就是人类最高的理想社会。因此，就有一个对于理想社会应如何看的问题。照儒家看，理想社会就是一种理想，它只有实现的可能性，但并不一定能把这种可能性变成现实性。尽管理想社会从来没有实现过，但要不要追求它却是一个根本性问题，是一个人生态度问题。孔孟认为，对于它应去不断地追求，所以当时人批评儒家“迂阔”。我看问题就在于此。理想社会虽然不一定能在现实中实现，但对于古代的哲人来说，却可以在他们的心中实现。为什么张载的《西铭》那么受后来宋明理学的重视？我想就在于《西铭》体现了古代思想家追求理想社会的精神，而且在他的心中已经建立了这个理想社会。张载理想中的“民，吾同胞；物，吾与也”的社会是否能实现，这对他来说固然很重要；但更重要的是人能不能有一种追求理想社会的人生态度，所以《西铭》的最后一句是“存，吾顺事；没，吾宁也。”人生在世必须去尽自己的责任，这个责任就是如何为实现理想的“大同世界”而奋斗，为这个理想可以说是“只问耕耘，不问收获”，这样的人生态度是问心无愧的。今天难道我们不是更加需要这种人生态度吗？


Output:
儒家思想是一种理想主义，这种理想主义又是以它的人本主义为前提的。人为什么要有一个理想，要追求建立一理想社会？照儒家看，人在天地中是最重要的，他能“为天地立心，为生民立命，为往圣继绝学，为万世开太平”，所以孔子说：“人能弘道，非道弘人。”“道”（或“天道”）是客观存在的，但“道”要人来发扬光大它，要人在实践中体现它。人怎样体现“天道”？儒家认为，如果能了解“天人合一”“知行合一”“情景合一”，那么人就有了一种做人的最高境界，也就可以把其美好的理想凝聚于心中。

“天人合一”“知行合一”“情景合一”是中国传统哲学关于真、善、美的三个基本命题，也是儒家所要追求的理想境界。儒家思想为什么要追求这三个“合一”呢？我认为，儒家思想无非是教人如何做人，对自己应有一个要求，对天下国家应有一个责任感，这是一个很普通的问题，但也是一个极难做到的问题。达到了这个“天人合一”“知行合一”“情景合一”的真、善、美的理想境界的人是圣人。


Output: “天人合一”的问题虽然是说明人和整个宇宙的关系，但它是把人作为宇宙中心来考虑的，《中庸》中说：“诚者，天之道也；诚之者，人之道也。诚者，不勉而中，不思而得，从容中道，圣人也。”因此，圣人的行为不仅应符合“天道”的要求，而且是以实现“天道”的要求为己任。人生活在天地之中，不应取消极态度，而应“自强不息”，体现宇宙大化的流行，这样人就会对自己有个要求，有个做人的道理，有个高尚的境界。既对自己有个要求，要有个做人的道理，最重要的是要做到“知行合一”，有个道德修养上的知行统一观。《大学》的三纲领八条目就是告诉我们这个道理，它说：“大学之道，在明明德，在亲民，在止于至善”；“古之欲明明德于天下者，先治其国。欲治其国者，先齐其家。欲齐其家者，先修其身，欲修其身者，先正其心。欲正其心者，先诚其意。欲诚其意者，先致其知。致知在格物。物格而后知至，知至而后意诚，意诚而后心正，心正而后身修，身修而后家齐，家齐而后国治，国治而后天下平。”这是一个认识过程，更是一个道德实践的过程。人应该有理想，最高的理想是“致太平”，使人类社会达到一个“大同”的境地。而“大同”世界的基本要求就是每个人对自己有个做人的要求，要有个做人的道理，要能“己所不欲，勿施于人”，孔子说：“吾道一以贯之”，“忠恕而已矣。”理想的“大同”世界能否达到自然是个问题，但儒者应有这个要求，并从中得到做人的乐趣。盖人生活在天地之中，要做人，也要有做人的乐趣，要能领略天地造化之功；而真正能领略天地造化之功的，就必须能于再现“天地造化之功”中表现人的创造力，表现人的精神境界，表现人之所以为人者，使诗文成为“至文”，使绘画成为“神品”，使音乐成为“天籁”。所以艺术的要求是“情景合一”的，王夫之说：“情景名为二，而实不可离。神于诗者，妙合无垠。巧者则有情中景，景中情”；“情景一合，自得妙语。”当人进入这一创造的境界，这将是真、善、美合一的境界；人生的意义、人类的最高理想正在于此。孔子说他“七十而从心所欲不逾矩”，大概就是这样一种境界，自己的一切言行和整个宇宙、社会、自己的身心都和谐了，这种境界是真、善、美合一的境界，自然也就是圣人的境界了。


Output:
儒家思想之所以仍有存在的价值，也许就仅仅在于它告诉我们一个做人的道理。做人是最不容易的，做到和自然、社会、他人以及自己的身心内外的和谐更是不容易的，难道今天的世界不应有这样的要求吗？正因为儒家思想只是告诉我们一个做人的道理，就不应从其他方面要求它。它有不足的方面，也不应该奇怪。

II．CONFUCIANISM & CONSTRUCTIVE POSTMODERNISM

I．What Kind of Age Are We in Now?

From a world perspective, our current age can possibly be seen as the transition from modern capitalist society beginning with the first, 18th-century, Enlightenment toward a postmodern society of a "second enlightenment." From a China perspective, our age will be seen as a crucial moment for realizing great national revival in the context of globalization. All in all, for human society, this age represents a precious opportunity to enter a totally new era.


Output: Since the 18th-century Age of Enlightenment, Western capitalism has a history of almost 300 years, during which period the Western world achieved dazzling "modernization." But now, "modernized society" is suffering from more and more intractable problems. Immanuel Kant(1724-1804) proposed that reason should be the watchword of the Enlightenment, but these days "reason" faces its own problems. Originally, "reason" contained two related aspects: "instrumental reason" and "value reason," both aspects with an extremely important role in advancing human progress, but the present-day reality is that "scientifically omnipotent" "instrumental reason" outshines humanistic "value reason," and the latter has become marginalized. As a result, everything becomes an "instrument": people become instruments for others and the natural world has become an instrument to be used by human beings as they see fit.


Output: The normal and harmonious relation between man and nature has been severely harmed by man's unrestrained exploitation, destruction and waste of natural resources. In turn, man's own survival is threatened by deteriorating natural conditions such as depletion of the ozone layer, poisoned oceans, polluted environment and unbalanced ecoenvironment. Although the Kyoto Protocol for limiting air pollution was signed in Kyoto, Japan, in as early as December 1997, certain developed countries in the capitalist world set various obstacles on its path. One example is Canada's recent announcement of its intention to withdraw from the Protocol. This illustrates that the "reason" advocated by the Enlightenment is being changed by some Western leaders into a "non-rational" and utilitarian "tool."


Output: With the growth of industrialization, "free market economy" has promoted the huge increase of human wealth and people have won great material benefit from it. But there is no denying that it has also caused serious polarization between the rich and the poor (including country-to-country, ethnic group-to-ethnic group, class-to-class within a country). If "free market economy" continues to grow like a rapacious monster, without effective supervision, control or restraint, sooner or later it will cause economic crisis and social disturbance. The global financial crisis that first appeared in the USA in 2008 was still ongoing when the debt crisis began to sweep Europe in 2011. According to Professor Paul Kennedy of Yale University, liberalism freed people from the shackles of the pre-market-economy age, but it has also put people in danger of financial crisis and social disasters. 1


Output: Another Enlightenment watchword, "liberation of the individual," originally targeted religious superstition and vulgar ignorance, encouraging people to be fully aware of their own strength so as to fully deploy their "free" creativity. Today, however, this notion has become an instrument for the domination of others, a tool that imperialist countries in particular use to support their own hegemony and impose their own value systems on other countries and people, pushing a universalist doctrine. 2 The distorted development of today's capitalist society has resulted in people no longer in pursuit of "reason," but indulging themselves in the lust for power and worship of money. Consequently, all groups of people live in pain and mental conflict: ordinary people struggle to survive harsh conditions; intellectuals experience constant guilt because of their inability to settle social chaos; unable to win people's trust, politicians exist in a state of self-deception; entrepreneurs wrestle to figure their way


Output: entrepreneurs wrestle to figure their way around mutually contradictory rules and systems. Regardless of rank or identity it seems the happy life to which all aspire is out of reach and happiness eludes all. But this is not a problem caused by any individual: rather, it is an unavoidable pain for a society in the throes of a major transitional period. Therefore, it is incumbent on each and every one of us to work hard for the coming of a new age.


Output:
II．The Rise of Two Trends of Thought in China in the 1990s

In the 1990s, there emerged in China's ideological and cultural circles two ideological trends opposing the concept of "monism." One trend is "postmodernism," an idea originating in the West and aiming to deconstruct "modernity." In the early 1980s, "postmodernism" had already come to China, but it made little impact at the time; by the 1990s, however, Chinese scholars were suddenly showing it great interest. Another trend is the " Guoxue tide"—the ardent pursuit of revitalizing traditional Chinese culture. In truth, in the 1980s, China's thinkers had advocated greater emphasis on traditional Chinese culture, but it did not coalesce into a surge tide until in the 1990s when Guoxue rose quietly in Peking University. What does the rise of these two trends mean for us?


Output: In the 1960s, to save human society and cancel out modernity's concomitant negative impact, the trend of "postmodernism" first emerged in the West. In its early period, postmodernism was "deconstructive postmodernism," posited as a way of dealing with problems produced in the course of modern society's development. The aim was to deconstruct modernity, to oppose monism and advocate pluralism, to shatter all authority and to cast the "authoritativeness" and "dominant nature" of modernity into the shade. But, postmodernism of the deconstructive kind produced neither positive standpoints, nor any designs for a new age.


Output: At the turn of the 21st century, "constructive postmodernism," a concept based on process philosophy, proposed integrating the positive elements of the first Enlightenment with postmodernism and thus called for a "second enlightenment." For instance, according to Whitehead's process philosophy, "man" should not be taken as the center of everything. Rather, "Man and nature should be regarded as a closely related living community." 3 According to John B. Cobber, a major founder of process philosophy, "Constructive postmodernism takes a critical attitude towards deconstructive postmodernism. . . we have introduced ecologicalism into postmodernism. In a postmodern age, man and man will co-exist harmoniously, as will man and nature. It is an age which will retain something positive of modernity while transcending dualism, anthropocentrism and male chauvinism, an age that aims to build a postmodern society for the common good." According to process philosophy, if the rallying cry of the first Enlightenment was "to


Output: rallying cry of the first Enlightenment was "to free the self," then the second enlightenment's watchword should be "to care about others" and "to respect differences" (in a postmodern society). In their opinion, when people use their personal "freedom" in ways that diminish the community, they are bound to weaken their own "freedom." Therefore, it is necessary to reject an abstract concept of freedom in favor of a profound and responsible freedom by bringing in the notions of responsibility and duty and by revealing the inner relation between freedom and duty. In the West, constructive postmodernism is a tiny branch stream with very little influence, but in China it has attracted the attention of a group of scholars who are passionate for national revival.


Output: Karl Theodor Jaspers wrote in The Origin and Goal of History : "Until today mankind has lived by what happened during the Axial Period, by what was thought and created during that period. In each new upward flight it returns in recollection to this period and is fired anew by it. Ever since then it has been the case that recollections and re-awakenings of the potentialities of the Axial Period—renaissances—afford a spiritual impetus. Return to this beginning is the ever-recurrent event in China, India and the West." 4 This is exemplified in the " Guoxue tide" in the late 1990s, when China was experiencing a process of national rejuvenation, and for this the support of a revitalized national culture was essential.


Output: In my opinion, it is precisely because traditional Chinese culture (Guoxue ) has had over a century of impact from Western culture that Chinese scholars have had the chance for reflecting on our own traditional culture. We have gradually come to realize what of our culture should be promoted, what abandoned and what absorbed. For over one hundred years, Chinese scholars have been trying to absorb and digest "Western learning," and this most certainly laid the foundation for the transformation of Guoxue in the traditional sense to its modern counterpart. The new or modern Guoxue must be a spiritually significant power for China's revival as well as for the "peace and development" of human society. It will help China to realize "modernization" in an all-round way, and also to avoid the predicament that Western society currently experiences.


Output: In other words, the new Guoxue should stick to the principle of Fanben Kaixin . Only through Fanben (return to the source) are we able to Kaixin (open up new territory). Fanben requires of us a deep understanding of Guoxue 's essence and insists on the mainstay nature of our own culture, whereas Kaixin requires of us a systematic understanding of the new problems facing China and human society, problems in need of urgent resolution. The two aspects are inseparable: Only by digging deeper into the true essence of Guoxue can we open up new territory at the appropriate time. Only by squarely addressing the problems of human society can we better promote and update the essence of Guoxue , so that in the 21st century, the flame of Guoxue will once more be ignited by the Fanben Kaixin principle and contribute to human society.


Output:
What are the prospects of these two trends of thought in China? Will they exert a positive impact on Chinese society and on human society as a whole? To answer these questions, we must fully investigate the possibility of integrating the two.

III．In the New Historical Period of Chinese Revival and in the Context of Globalization, Traditional Chinese Culture May Well Make an Epochal Contribution to Human Society.


Output:
China is in the process of national revival, and this must have the support of revitalized national culture. However, in this globalized age, the revitalization of our traditional culture requires us not only to address our own social problems, but world problems also. It follows that while developing our traditional culture we must keep in mind that it belongs to both China and the world at large. It requires us not only to pay close attention to the actual development of our own culture, but also to incipient tendencies in Western culture. Here the author would like to offer a possible trend for discussion, namely: Could a combination of Guoxue and constructive postmodernism—the former traditional Chinese learning and the latter of Western origin and still in the bud—have something to offer to the healthy and rational development of China and the rest of the world?

i．"Man and Nature as a Closely Related Living Community" and "Unity of Man and Heaven"


Output:
According to John B. Cobber, "Today we recognize that man is a part of nature and that we live an ecological community." This idea, although coming directly from Whitehead, is very similar to a traditional Chinese notion—the unity of Man and Heaven, Heaven implying the laws of nature. As a core traditional Chinese value, it is a mode of thinking that differs from the "man-nature dichotomy" idea that long prevailed in the West.

In 1992, 1,575 scientists from around the world signed and published a document named "World Scientists' Warning to Humanity." Its first line reads: "Human beings and the natural world are on a collision course." Why has nature been so devastated? There is no getting away from the fact that the long prevalence of the "man-nature dichotomy" mindset has made nature a victim. 5 Fortunately, the "unity of Man and Heaven" way of thinking offers us a feasible way towards tackling the destruction of the natural world.


Output: As early as 2,500 years ago, Confucius was exhorting people to both "know Heaven" and "fear Heaven." The first admonition requires us to learn more about nature and thus consciously use it to improve the welfare of human beings. The second requires us to hold nature in awe and fulfill our duty of protecting it. According to Zhu Xi, another great thinker of ancient China, "Heaven is inseparable from man and man from Heaven." What he is telling us is that, after Heaven gives birth to man, man and Heaven have formed an inseparable relation, one that requires man to embody the laws of Heaven and to be responsible for it.


Output: As we have seen, in dealing with the relation between man and nature, traditional Chinese philosophy takes a road similar to that of constructive postmodernism. As Léon Vandermeersch put it, "Western humanism that brought the world such a perfect thought as the concept of human rights now faces many challenges from modern society that as yet it has been unable to answer. Why, then, not give some consideration as to whether Confucian thinking might indicate a way forward for the world, for example: respect for nature as proposed in the 'unity of Man and Heaven' concept; and the philanthropic spirit that 'all men are brothers'? We can and should bring to bear the essence of Confucian teaching on current world problems, to examine them afresh from a new perspective." 6


Output: Why does Vandermeersch put Western thought on human rights together with the three concepts from Chinese thinking as mentioned above? As we know, human rights are very important to us, because man should not be deprived of the right of freedom, and social progress can only be realized with "freedom of thought," "freedom of speech," "freedom of belief," "freedom of movement," etc. However, the question of how to protect human rights is often subject to interference by external forces, to removal even. This has been the case in China and overseas. Some Western thinkers and politicians widen the concept of human rights to the extent that there are no limits and that man can destroy nature at will. Hence Vandermeersch asserted that there should be some constraints on man's rights over nature, and to do that we should use the significant philosophical asset of the concept of their unity.


Output: According to Christian belief, God created the world in its complete form and man can do nothing further to it. However, in Vandermeersch's opinion, once God created a complete world, the rest was man's problem and for man to address. Just as André Gide, the French writer, said, "God proposes and man disposes." The Confucian view that "all men are brothers" is linked to another traditional Chinese idea, namely "world outlook." This considers that man's loftiest ideal is "the world being One"(or the world is in Great Harmony). As written in The Great Learning , it is important to cultivate one's moral character, to take good care of one's family, to run the State well and thence make the whole world peaceful and harmonious. For any country or nation, it is important to consider not just its own interests, but "peace in the world" (i.e. common interests of mankind), which, in my opinion, should be an intrinsic meaning of "human rights." In other words, Western thinking on human rights would do well to look


Output: thinking on human rights would do well to look into the traditional thought and culture of other nations(such as China) for valuable elements that could supplement and enrich its own approach, and thereby set human society on a more reasonable path.


Output:
ii．Constructive Postmodernism, a Second Enlightenment and Confucian "Renxue" (Learning of Goodness)

According to constructive postmodernism, if the watchword of the first Enlightenment was "liberty of the individual," then those of the second should be "care about others" and "respect for differences." 7 The former can be described as ren (goodness), a core value of the Confucian school. The starting point and basis of ren is "love of family," but according to Confucius we should not only extend ren to family members but beyond the family, too. Similarly, as taught by Mencius, an important successor of Confucius, "Apart from taking good care of the elderly and children of one's own kin, one should extend concern for the elderly and children of other families." He also asserted that love for family was a prerequisite for loving others, and loving others a prerequisite for loving all creatures.


Output: Mencius' thought is also in line with the "care about others" line proposed by constructive postmodernism. According to constructive postmodernism scholars, their philosophy is to try to "construct a postmodern world where all living communities get due attention and concern" on the basis of "retaining some positive factors of modernity"(mainly valuable concepts such as "freedom," "democracy," "human rights," etc., as proposed by Western thinkers on the basis of reason). 8 This can be regarded as a more comprehensive description of "care about others." In the development of human society, culture always undergoes a process of accumulation, inheritance and creation. A postmodern society must retain the positive factors of modernity such as "freedom," "democracy," "human rights," etc., before the significance of "constructing a postmodern world in which all living communities get due attention and concern" can be fully displayed. "Respect for differences" can be taken as a different way of expressing the


Output: can be taken as a different way of expressing the Confucian proposition "the Ways move in parallel and do not interfere with each other."


Output: Different ideological and cultural traditions often have different features. Fortunately, such differences can be meaningful to human society to an extent and are by no means necessarily at odds. 9 For example, to allow that the concept of "democracy" proposed by the West as having positive meaning in specific social conditions, is not to deny traditional Chinese thinking such as Minben (people as the root) as also having positive meaning in specific social conditions too; nor do we deny the "universal value" of our traditional thoughts such as "Do not do to others what you do not want done to yourself." Only by acknowledging that every ideological and cultural tradition has its positive effect on human society can different countries and nations co-exist and co-prosper. Absorbing and digesting the strong points of different cultural systems as a means of achieving real comprehension of them is an essential path for the development of culture. Just as Russell said, "Contacts between different civilizations


Output: said, "Contacts between different civilizations have often in the past proved to be landmarks in human progress." 10 We should remember that as human beings, we face common problems. We may adopt different ways to tackle those problems but we often come to the same end via different routes. Therefore, "respect others" and "the Ways move in parallel and do not interfere with each other" have equivalent value to us.


Output:
iii．Defining "Human" and Examining "Human Rights" from the Standpoint of "Li"—a Traditional Chinese Concept

The human rights concept is a very important one for modern society. But each ideological and cultural tradition should discuss deeply how to have the concept play a positive role in building a healthy and rational society. As written in Thinking Through Confucius , co-authored by Hall and Ames, two well-known American philosophers, "What we need to do is not only to study Chinese traditions but also to use them as a cultural resource to enrich and restructure our own. The Confucian school defined 'man' from a societal perspective. Can we use it to modify and strengthen the Western mode of liberalism? Can we find some useful resource from a society built on li [rites, courtesy, ceremony, etc.] to help us better understand our insufficiently rooted but indeed valuable outlook on human rights?" 11


Output: This paragraph discusses three issues: One, that the West should not stop at studying China's thinking and culture, but go on to apply those things so as to "enrich and restructure" its own; Two, the necessity of understanding the significance of "man" as defined from a societal perspective in traditional Chinese culture; Three, that China's li contains elements that could well be valuable if brought into the Western concept of human rights.


Output: In my opinion, the three issues raised by Hall and Ames are for treating the condition of some of Western philosophical concepts being "insufficiently rooted." It is precisely because of the great importance attached to man's right of liberty in modern society (since the first Enlightenment) that human society has developed by leaps and bounds. The right of liberty is a great creative force. That said, the misuse of right of liberty by an individual, a country or a nation can, in certain circumstances, constitute a threat to, suppression or violation of the rights of other individuals, countries or nations. To define "human" from a societal perspective as traditional Chinese culture does means "not defining it from the isolated angle of 'the individual'" because "humans" have to live and grow up in various relations since the moment of birth. It is much like what Karl Marx said in Theses on Feuerbach , "The essence of man is no abstraction inherent in each single individual. In reality, it is the ensemble of


Output: individual. In reality, it is the ensemble of social relations." 12


Output: How then are we to handle the complex "social relations of man"? In ancient China, great emphasis was placed on li in dealing with these relations. Although li was a conceptual thing, it did have a restricting power on man's behavior. As written in The Analects of Confucius , "In practicing the rules of li , harmony is to be prized." The most important role of li is to promote social harmony as a normalizing power over society. As written in the Book of Rites , ". . . rulers use li to protect morality and laws to prevent people from committing crimes." Rulers created li for preventing moral norms being ruined and made laws for keeping social order. As written in "Explaining Government" by Jia Yi of the Former Han Dynasty, " Li is put into practice before people do something wrong whereas law is executed after people do bad things. The role of law is visible whereas the role of li is invisible and hard to perceive." Another reason that li is greatly valued in our tradition is, as advocated by the Confucian


Output: our tradition is, as advocated by the Confucian school, the importance of reciprocal relationships among people. As written in the Books of Rites , "What is human righteousness? It involves ten (or five pairs of) person-to-person relations: A father is kind to children and children show filial obedience to parents; brothers are kind to each other; a husband is responsible to wife and wife obedient to husband; the older children are kind to younger siblings and the younger respect the older; a ruler is benevolent and his subjects are loyal." That is to say, according to the Confucian school, the moral relation between people should be a relation of rights and corresponding obligations rather than one-sided enjoyment of rights without fulfilling obligations. China's li was created precisely in order to balance the rights and obligations of those social relations. Therefore, in my opinion, is it possible to call premodern China a society under "rule of li and law"? This, of course, is an ideal of the Confucian


Output: This, of course, is an ideal of the Confucian school.


Output: From this one could envisage, in establishing a "convention on human rights" also establishing a "convention on obligations" at the same time, so as to keep a balance between rights and obligations. This would accord with what Hall and Ames believed a possible role for li — "enriching and restructuring" the Western concept of human rights. One might envisage a "convention of obligations" to protect and strengthen a "convention on human rights."


Output: According to John B. Cobber, "Traditional Chinese ideology is very attractive to constructive postmodernism, but we should not just return to it. Instead, our postmodernism should renew itself by serious scientific means and by adjusting itself to the changing society. The pre-modern tradition should absorb the positive factors of the Enlightenment such as concern for and respect of individual rights before it can contribute something to the postmodern society." 13 This paragraph has great significance for study of our ideology and culture. Traditional or pre-modern Chinese culture needed to absorb rather than exclude all valuable fruits achieved by modern society since the Enlightenment, such as freedom, democracy, human rights, etc., concepts that embody "concern and respect for individual rights." In addition, we must work hard to put into practice those positive concepts before we can successfully align traditional or pre-modern Chinese culture with postmodernism and promote the transformation from


Output: postmodernism and promote the transformation from modern to postmodern society.


Output: It is good to note that some Chinese scholars have had extensive contact and satisfactory cooperation with Western scholars of constructive postmodernism. The representative figures of constructive postmodernism have also realized the value of traditional Chinese culture to their research and are absorbing nutrition from it. Similarly, some Chinese scholars have noticed the practical significance of constructive postmodernism in helping human society out of predicament and are paying close attention to the development of this thought. If an organic synthesis between the widely influential " Guoxue tide" and constructive postmodernism can be achieved, then pioneered deeply in Chinese society and developed further, China could perhaps proceed smoothly to complete the mission of its own "first enlightenment," realize modernization, and then rather rapidly enter a postmodern society marked by a "second enlightenment." If this does come to pass, the fruits achieved in China's current cultural revival will be of


Output: in China's current cultural revival will be of great significance to human history.


Output:
In this paper, the author explores the possibility of communication and integration of Western and Chinese cultures. Whether this possibility can become reality hinges mainly on how China's Guoxue can adapt to healthy social development and whether constructive postmodernism, currently a minor branch of thinking in the West, can become more mainstream and win widespread acceptance. The author stresses that this paper is simply a theoretical foray—a try-out—and would welcome any comments.

贰　儒学与建构性后现代主义 *

一、当前我们处在一个什么样的时代？

从全世界来说，将可能是自18世纪以来第一次“启蒙运动”开始的资本主义现代社会向第二次“启蒙”的后现代社会转型。从我们中国说，将是处在全球化背景下实现伟大的民族复兴的关键时刻。这个时代对人类社会来说将是走向新时代的一次难得的机遇。

我们知道，西方资本主义自18世纪“启蒙运动”到现在已有近三百年的历史，这三百年的历史也是西方取得辉煌的“现代化”的历史。但到现在，“现代化社会”的矛盾日益显露，出现了许多深层的难以克服的问题。康德（1724—1804）提出“要敢于用理性”作为“启蒙运动”的口号，但是“理性”现在发生了问题。本来“理性”包含着两个相互联系的方面：“工具理性”和“价值理性”，它们对人类社会的发展有着极大的推动作用，然而现在的情况是“科学万能”的“工具理性”一枝独秀，而具有人文精神的“价值理性”被边缘化了。这样使一切都变成了“工具”，不仅“人”对“人”是一种“工具”，而且“人”把“自然界”也变成了可以任意利用的“工具”。


Output:
当前对“自然界”的无量开发和破坏，自然资源的浪费，臭氧层变薄，海洋毒化，环境污染，生态平衡失调，严重地损害了“人”和“自然界”的正常和谐关系，威胁着人类自身生存的条件。1997年12月在日本京都通过了一份限制大气污染的《京都议定书》，但一些发达的资本主义国家对此设置了种种障碍，近日加拿大又宣布退出《京都议定书》。这说明，“启蒙运动”提出的“理性”已被西方国家的某些主政者变成“非理性”的功利化“工具”。

“自由经济”（自由的市场经济）曾使工业化以来人类社会的财富极大增长，人们在物质生活上受益巨大。但不可讳言，“自由经济”发展到现在却使贫富两极（包括国家与国家、民族与民族以及同一国家内部的各阶层）分化日益严重。如果“自由经济”不受到一定程度的有效监督和控制，将会像贪婪的猛兽一样不受约束地发展，定会引起经济危机和社会混乱。2008年首先发生在美国的金融危机还没有走出，2011年接着在欧洲又发生了“欧债危机”，真是在劫难逃。美国耶鲁大学教授保罗·肯尼迪说：“自由主义使人们免于市场经济之前时代的束缚，也使人们承受着金融和社会灾难的危机。” 1

“启蒙运动”的另一口号“个性解放”，这本来是针对宗教的迷信和世俗的蒙昧，使人认识到自我的力量，以便使“自由”的创造力得到充分发挥，但是“个性解放”发展到今天也异化成对他人宰制的工具，特别是帝国主义依仗他们的霸权，强行把他们的“价值观”加给其他国家和民族，推动“普遍主义”。 2 资本主义现代社会的畸形发展，导致人们追求的不再是“理性”，而是权力欲望的放纵和对金钱的崇拜。因而使各个人群都生活在矛盾与痛苦之中，老百姓在艰难的生活条件下为谋生而苦苦挣扎，知识分子面对社会种种乱象而无能为力，日夜受到良心的谴责，政治家（政客）为得不到人们的信任而自我欺骗，企业家因各种相互矛盾的制度与规则而千方百计地想对策。各阶层、各人群希望得到幸福生活的到来似乎遥遥无期，大家都不快活。这不是哪个人的问题，而是人类社会一次重大转型时期的不可避免的阵痛。为此，我们每个人都应义不容辞地担当起促进新社会早日到来的责任。

二、上个世纪90年代两种思潮在中国的兴起


Output:
二、上个世纪90年代两种思潮在中国的兴起

上个世纪90年代在中国思想文化界出现了两股反对“一元化”的思潮。一股是来自西方消解“现代性”的“后现代主义”。“后现代主义”在上个世纪80年代初已经进入中国，但在那时没有什么影响，而到90年代突然被中国学术界关注了。另一股是追求复兴中国传统文化的“国学热”思潮。其实，在80年代中国学术思想界已经提出应重视中国的传统文化，但并未形成热潮，90年代“国学在燕园悄然兴起”而渐渐形成热潮。这两股思潮的兴起，说明什么问题？

为了挽救人类社会，消除“现代化”带来的负面影响，因而在上个世纪60年代在西方有以消解“现代性”的“后现代主义”思潮的出现。初期的“后现代主义”是“解构性的后现代主义”，它是针对现代社会发展过程中所产生的缺陷提出的，他们所做的是对“现代性”的解构，反对一元化，主张多元化，要求粉碎一切权威，使“现代性”的权威性和宰制性都黯然失色，但是解构性的“后现代主义”却并未提出新的建设性主张，也没有策划一个新时代。

在20世纪末，将进入21世纪之初，以“过程哲学”为基础的“建构性的后现代主义”提出将第一次“启蒙”（即18世纪的“启蒙运动”）的积极因素与“后现代主义”整合起来，召唤第二次“启蒙”。例如，怀德海的过程哲学认为，不应把“人”看成一切的中心，而应把“人和自然视为密切联系的生命共同体”。 3 过程哲学中心创始人小约翰·柯布说：“建构性后现代主义对解构性后现代主义的立场持批判态度，……我们明确地把生态主义引入后现代主义中，后现代是人与人、人与自然和谐共处的时代。这个时代将保留现代性中某些积极性的东西，超越其二元论、人类中心主义、男权主义，以建构一个所有生命共同福祉都得到重视和关心的后现代社会。”他们还提出，如果说第一次“启蒙”的口号是“解放自我”，那么第二次“启蒙”的口号是“关心他者”、“尊重差异”（指进入后现代社会）。他们认为，当用自身的“自由”专权削弱共同体的时候，其结果一定会削弱其自身的“自由”。因此，必须拒绝抽象自由观，走向有责任的深度自由，要把责任和义务观念引入自由中，揭示出“自由”与义务的内在联系。目前建构性的后现代主义在西方仅仅是一股涓涓细流，影响很小，但却被中国的一批祈望民族复兴的学者所关注。


Output:
卡尔·雅斯贝尔斯在《历史的起源与目标》中说：“人类一直靠轴心期所产生、思考和创造的一切而生存。每一次新的飞跃都回顾这一时期，并被它重燃火焰。自那以后，情况就是这样。轴心期潜力的苏醒和对轴心期潜力的回忆，或曰复兴，总是提供了精神力量。对这一开端的复归是中国、印度和西方不断发生的事情。” 4 在上个世纪90年代，即将进入21世纪之际，由于中华民族正处在伟大的民族复兴的过程之中，民族的复兴必须由民族文化的复兴来支撑，因此，“国学热”的出现是必然的。

我认为正是中国的传统文化（国学）经过了一百多年西方文化的冲击，使我国学术界得到一个对自身传统文化自我反省的机会。我们逐渐知道，在我们的传统文化中应该发扬什么和应该抛弃什么以及应该吸收什么。因此，在长达一百多年中，我们中国学术界一直在努力吸收和消化“西学”，这为“国学”从传统走向现代奠定了基础。新的“国学”必须是能为中华民族在当代得以复兴、能为当今人类社会“和平与发展”的前景提供有意义的精神力量的“国学”。它将是使我国全面实现“现代化”，而又可以避免陷入当前西方社会的困境的“国学”。

也就是说，新的“国学”应该是“反本开新”的“国学”。“反本”才能“开新”，“反本”更重要的是为了“开新”。“反本”要求我们对“国学”的真精神有深刻的领悟，坚持自身文化的主体性。“开新”要求我们全面系统地了解当前中国社会和人类社会所面临的亟待解决的新问题。“反本”和“开新”是不可分割的，只有深入发掘“国学”的真精神，我们才可能适时地开拓“国学”发展的新局面；只有敢于面对当前人类社会存在的新问题，我们才能使“国学”的真精神得以发扬和更新，使“国学”在21世纪的“反本开新”中“重新燃起火焰”，以贡献于人类社会。

这两股新的思潮在中国的兴起，它们的发展前景如何，对中国社会和人类社会能否起决定性的积极作用？为此，我们必须全面考察这两股思潮能否有结合的可能性。

三、中国传统文化在中华民族伟大复兴的历史新时期，它面对全球化的态势下很可能对人类社会作出划时代的新贡献。


Output:
中华民族正处在伟大民族复兴的过程之中，民族的复兴必须由民族文化传统的复兴来支撑。但是在全球化的时代，中华民族的传统文化复兴不仅要面对自身社会的问题，而且要面对当前世界存在的问题，这样就要求我们在发展中华民族传统文化的同时，必须注意到它既是民族的，又是世界的。因此，我们不仅要关注中国社会文化自身发展的现实，同时我们必须关注在当前西方社会文化中发现的苗头。在这里我们提出一种可供讨论的可能的趋势，即中国传统的国学与西方刚刚萌芽的建构性的后现代主义思潮的结合，是否能对当今中国和世界的健康、合理发展有所贡献。

1．“人与自然是一生命共同体”与“天人合一”理论

建构性后现代主义的代表人物柯布说：“今天我们认识到人是自然界的一部分，我们生活在生态共同体中”，这个思想是从哪里来的呢？虽然直接来自怀德海，但它无疑是和中国的“天人合一”理念有着密切的关系。“天人合一”是中国传统思想的核心价值理念之一。它和在西方长期流行的“天人二分”理论是两种不同的思维模式。

1992年世界1575名科学家发表了一份《世界科学家对人类的警告》，在开头有这样一句话：“人类和自然 正走上一条相互抵触的道路”。自然界为什么惨遭破坏，这不能不说它与在西方长期有着影响的“天人二分”的思维模式有着密切的关系。 5 与西方这种思维定式不同的“天人合一”思维方式可以说正是为解决自然界惨遭破坏提供了可行的思路。

我们可以看到，早在2500多年前的孔子提出既要“知天”，又要“畏天”的思想。“知天”是要求人们认识自然界，以便使人们可以自觉地利用自然界为人类社会谋福祉；“畏天”是要求人们对自然界有所敬畏，认识“天”的神圣性，要自觉地尽到保护自然的责任。朱熹对“天人合一”思想的解释说：“天即人，人即天。人之始生，得之于天；既生此人，则天又在人矣。”意思是说，在“天”把“人”产生之后，“天”和“人”就存在着一种相即不离的内在关系，因而“天”的道理就要由“人”来彰显，“人”对“天”就有了不可推卸的责任。


Output:
我们可以看到，在解决“人”与“天”（自然界）的关系上，中国传统哲学和建构性的后现代主义走着相同的道路。所以正如法国大儒汪德迈说：“曾经给世界完美的人权思想的西方人文主义面对近代社会以降的挑战，迄今无法给出一个正确答案。那么，为什么不思考一下儒家思想可能指引世界的道路，例如‘天人合一’提出的尊重自然的思想、‘远神近人’所倡导的拒绝宗教的完整主义以及‘四海之内皆兄弟’的博爱精神呢？可能还应该使儒教精神在当今世界诸多问题的清晰追问中重新认识。” 6

为什么汪德迈把西方的“人权”思想和中国的“天人合一”“远神近人”“四海之内皆兄弟”联系起来考虑？我们知道，“人权”对人类来说无疑非常重要，这是由于“人”的自由权力是不应被剥夺的，社会发展只能靠“思想自由”“言论自由”“信仰自由”“迁徙自由”等等来实现。但是如何保障“人权”，往往受到外在的力量干扰，甚至剥夺，无论中外都有这种情况。西方某些思想家或政客把“人”的权力无限扩大，以至于把“人”的权力扩大至可以去无序地破坏自然界。因此，汪德迈认为“人”对自然界的权力应该受到限制，这样就应该从中国的“天人合一”思想中取得有意义的思想资源。

在西方由于基督教认为上帝已经把世界完整地创造了，似乎“人”再无能为力了。汪德迈则认为虽然上帝把世界完整地创造好了，剩下的事就是“人”的问题，要“人”来做主了。正如法国文学家安德烈·纪德所说：“神出主意，人做主意”。在中国儒家所说的“四海之内皆兄弟”是和中国传统思想的“天下观”相联系的，它认为，人类最高的理想是“天下大同”（协和万邦），《大学》说“修身、齐家、治国、平天下”，因此任何民族和国家要考虑的不仅是自己的国家（治国），而且最终要考虑“天下太平”（即全人类的共同利益），这应是“人权”中的应有之义。这就是说，西方的“人权”思想应可以在其他民族思想文化传统（如中国的文化传统）中找到某些补充和丰富其原有价值的思想因素，以便人类社会走向更加合理之路。

2．建构性后现代主义的第二次“启蒙”与儒家的“仁学”理论


Output:
2．建构性后现代主义的第二次“启蒙”与儒家的“仁学”理论

建构性的后现代主义提出，如果说第一次“启蒙”的口号是“解放个人”，那么第二次“启蒙”的口号则是“关心他者”“尊重差异”。 7 “关心他者”的思想如果用中国儒家思想来表述，那就是“仁者爱人”。“仁爱”是孔子儒家学说的核心价值。儒家提倡的“仁爱”虽是从“亲亲”（爱自己的亲人）出发，如孔子所说：“仁者，人也，亲亲为大”，仁爱之心是人本身所具有的，爱自己的亲人是“仁爱”精神的出发点和基础。但是孔子认为，“仁爱”不能只停留在爱自己的亲人上面，要推己及人，“老吾老以及人之老，幼吾幼以及人之幼。”孟子也说：“亲亲而仁民，仁民而爱物。”从爱自己的亲人出发必须推广到对老百姓的“仁爱”，由爱护他人才会对一切事物都有爱心。

这样的思想又可以和建构性的后现代主义“关心他者”接轨。建构性的后现代主义认为，他们的哲学是在“保留现代性某些积极的东西”（主要是西方思想家依据理性提出的极有价值的“自由”“民主”“人权”等理想性思想）的基础上“以建构一个所有生命共同体福祉都得到重视和关心 的后现代世界”， 8 这正是对“关心他者”的更为全面的表述。因为，人类社会的发展，其文化是要不断积累，总是在传承中创新。因此，后现代社会必须是在保留“现代性”社会的“自由”“民主”“人权”等等中的积极因素，这样“建构一个所有生命共同体福祉都得到重视和关心的后现代世界”的意义才得以充分显现。建构性的后现代主义提出的“尊重差异”，它正是儒家思想所主张的“道并行而不相悖”的另一种表述。


Output:
不同的思想文化传统往往是各有其特点而不相同，但这种不同可以说对人类社会都有一定的意义，并不是要相互排斥的。 9 例如肯定西方近代提出的“民主”思想在特定的社会条件下的积极意义，并不要否定中国思想文化传统中的“民本”思想在特定的社会条件下也具有某种积极意义，更不应否定中国传统文化中的“己所不欲，勿施于人”对人类社会的“普遍价值”。只有承认在不同思想文化传统中都有其对人类社会有积极贡献的部分，这样在不同国家和民族之间才可以“共存”“共荣”。吸收和消化不同文化传统中的优长，以达到“会通”是人类文化发展的必由之路，正如罗素所说：“不同文明之间的交流，过去已经多次证明是人类文明发展的里程碑。” 10 我们应该看到，同为人类就有着共同要解决的问题，如何解决人类所面对的共同问题，道路可能不同，方法可能有异，但往往目标是殊途同归的。所以“尊重他者”和“道并行而不相悖”有同等的价值。

3．如何定义“人”与中国传统文化中“礼”的“人权”观

“人权”观念对现代社会来说是非常重要的，但如何使“人权”观念真正对建设健康、合理的社会起积极作用是应该在不同的思想文化传统中进行深入讨论的。美国著名哲学家安乐哲、郝大维写了一本书叫作《通过孔子而思》，这本书中有以下一段话：“我们要做的不止是研究中国传统，更要设法使之成为丰富和改造我们自己的一种文化资源。儒家从社会角度来定义‘人’，这是否可用来修正和加强西方的自由主义模式？在一个以‘礼’建构的社会中，我们能否发现可以利用的资源，以帮助我们可以更好地理解我们的根基不足却富有价值的人权观念？” 11

这段话大体上说，讨论了以下三个问题：第一，西方不应仅仅研究中国思想文化，而且应用中国思想文化来“丰富和改造”西方的思想文化；第二，要理解中国传统文化是“从社会角度来定义‘人’”的意义；第三，在中国的“礼”文化中包含着极富有价值的“人权”观念的可资利用的因素。


Output:
我认为，安乐哲提出的三个问题正是为了对治“西方哲学的根基不足”而发的。正是近现代社会特别重视人的自由权利（第一次启蒙后的历史），才使得人类社会有了长足的发展。这是因为“人”的“自由权利”是一种巨大的创造力。但是，个人的“自由权利”和某一国家和民族“自由权利”的滥用，在一定情况下对其他人的“自由权利”或者其他国家和民族的“自由权利”将构成威胁和遏制，甚至侵犯。中国传统文化中的“从社会的角度定义‘人’”，意思是说“不是从孤立的‘个人’的角度来定义‘人’”，因为“人”一出生就是在各种关系中生活和成长，这颇有点像马克思在《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》中说的：“人的本质不是单个人所固有的抽象物，实际上，它是一切关系的总和。” 12

那么，如何处理这种种复杂的“人的社会关系”呢？在中国古代社会特别注意用“礼”来处理“人”在社会中的种种关系。“礼”虽然是观念形态的东西，但它带有对“人”的行为有着约束性的意义。在《论语·学而》中说：“礼之用，和为贵。”“礼”的作用最重要之点就在于促使社会和谐，这就是说中国传统文化中的“礼”是一种带有对社会规范性的力量。在《礼记·坊记》中说：“君子礼以坊德，刑以坊淫”，君子制“礼”是为了防止败坏社会的道德规范，制刑（刑法）是为了防止祸乱社会秩序。汉贾谊《陈政事疏》中说：“夫礼者禁于将然之前，而法者禁于已然之后，是故法之所用易见，而礼之所为生难知也。”可见，在中国传统中，对“礼”是特别重视的。这是因为中国儒家认为，在人与人之间应有一种相互对应的关系，如《礼记·礼运》中说：“何谓人义？父慈子孝，兄良弟弟，夫义妇听，长惠幼顺，君仁臣忠，十者谓之人义。”这是说，什么是人与人之间的道义关系，儒家学说认为在人与人之间应有一个权利和义务（责任）相对应的关系，不应只有单方面的权利而不需对所应承担的相对应的义务负责任。中国的“礼”正是为协调社会关系的权利和义务所设。因此，我认为中国前现代社会是不是可以称为“礼法合治”的社会，这当然是一种儒家的理想。

从这里，我们可以设想，在确立“人权公约”的同时是否应有一“责任公约”，以便使得“权力”和“责任”之间得到平衡。这也就是安乐哲他们所说“礼”对西方颇有价值的“人权”观念可以起着“丰富和改造”的作用。从这里，甚至可以看到“责任公约”或许会对“人权公约”起着保护和提升的作用。


Output:
小约翰·柯布说：“中国传统思想对建构性的后现代主义非常有吸引力，但我们不能简单地回到它。它需要通过认真对待科学和已经发生的变革的社会来更新自己。前现代传统要对后现代有所裨益 ，就必须吸收启蒙运动的积极方面 ，比如对个体权利的关注和尊重。” 13 柯布的这段话对我们研究中国思想文化应说是颇有意义。作为前现代的中国传统文化是需要认真吸收启蒙运动以来现代社会的一切积极成果，如自由、民主、人权等“对个体权利的关注和尊重”的思想，我们决不能企图排斥“自由”“民主”“人权”等“极富有价值”的思想，而且必须认真实现“第一次启蒙”有积极意义的理念，这样前现代的中国传统文化才能和建构性的后现代主义结成联盟推进现代社会向后现代社会的转型。

我们已经注意到，中国一些学者和西方建构性后现代主义的学者之间不仅有了广泛的接触，而且开始了良好的合作。建构性的后现代主义的代表人物已经注意到中国传统文化对建构性后现代主义颇有吸引力，并已从中吸取营养；同样中国的一些学者也已经注意到建构性后现代主义对当前人类社会走出困境的现实意义，并认真地关注着该学说的发展。在中国已经发生广泛影响的“国学热”和建构性的后现代主义这两股思潮的有机结合如果能在中国社会中深入开展，并得到新的发展，也许中国可以比较顺利地完成“第一次启蒙”的任务，实现现代化，而且会较快地进入以“第二次启蒙”为标帜的后现代社会。如果真能如此，当前中华民族文化的复兴所取得的成果，在人类社会发展史上将是意义重大的。

本文只是对当前中西文化交流与会通可能有的一种趋势的探讨，这一可能的趋势是否能真正出现，无疑要看中国的“国学”如何适应现代社会健康的发展以及建构性的后现代主义能否在西方从涓涓细流变成滚滚大江大河，而得到广大人群的赞同，这样理想才可以成为现实。在这里我必须说明，本文只是一种理论上的尝试，请大家批评指正。

III．THE CONTEMPORARY SIGNIFICANCE OF CONFUCIANIS

I


Output: I have delivered speeches on the topic "The Contemporary Significance of Confucianism" several times, including in the 80s and 90s of the last century. Now, I will continue to address it in the 21st century. In addition to me, more and more scholars have started to address this topic. Why? I think there are two important reasons: One is that we are on the eve of the great revival of the Chinese nation. So now, we must review our historical and cultural tradition. Karl Jaspers presented the notion of "the Axial Age." He thought that great thinkers emerged in Ancient Greece, Israel, India, China and other countries almost simultaneously around 500 BC, and they all presented unique ideas on problems which concern all human beings. Aristotle and Plato in Ancient Greece, Prophets of Judaism in Israel, Shakyamuni in India, and Laozi and Confucius in China independently initiated and formed distinctive cultural traditions. Through 2,000 years of development, these cultural traditions have become central to human


Output: cultural traditions have become central to human intellectual wealth, but these different cultures in different regions developed independently at the beginning, and did not originally influence each other. He says, until today mankind has lived all by what was thought and created during the Axial Age. In each new upward leap it returns in recollection to this period and is fired anew by it. Even since then it has been the case that recollections and reawakening of the potentialities of the Axial Period—renaissances—always afford a spiritual impetus. The return to the root is the continuous thing in China, India, and West (see Jaspers 1989, p. 14). For instance, the Europeans in the Renaissance looked back at the origin of their culture, Ancient Greece, which revived European civilization and left its mark on global culture. Similarly, Song and Ming Neo-Confucianism in China was stimulated by Indian Buddhism; the Confucian thinkers, by "recalling" Confucius and Mencius in the pre-Qin Period, had promoted the


Output: Mencius in the pre-Qin Period, had promoted the ingenious Chinese philosophy to a new height. When we enter into the new millennium, the world's intellectual circle has started to appeal for the arrival of "a New Axial Age." Thus, it has become important to review and research ancient thoughts and wisdom, and recall the origin of our own culture in order to respond to the new, diverse world culture. Secondly, in the new century, our country has brought forward a great project to build a "harmonious society." Fei Xiaotong has raised the issue of "cultural self-consciousness." In order to build a "harmonious society," we have to know our own "culture." What is "cultural self-consciousness"? Fei Xiaotong in Reconsideration on Humanistic Value said:


Output: Cultural self-consciousness denotes that people who live in a context of some culture have "self-knowledge" of their own culture, and can explain its origin, development, characteristics, and its trend. It does not mean that people "return to the original culture," and "return to the ancients," and it does not mean "complete Westernization" or "complete tahua 他化 (otherization)" at the same time. The request for self-knowledge intends to strengthen the ability of self-determination in the process of cultural transformation, and grasp the initiative status of cultural choice in the process of adaptation to new conditions and new era (Fei 2005, p. 248).


Output: It means that we have to have "self-knowledge" of our culture and establish our place in our culture in the great historical era when we are building our "harmonious society." Our place in our culture does not mean "completely returning to the ancients" and "complete Westernization"; instead, it means assuring that our own culture can take deep root in society, like leaves which flourish if the roots are deep. So we have to persist in our cultural understanding in order to be able to absorb and digest the outstanding cultures of other nations to nourish our own culture.


Output:
In this situation when we study our history and the prospect of our national culture, we have to adapt to the new trend of the contemporary development of world culture, that is, the "New Axial Age." We have to have cultural self-consciousness in order to meet the goal of building a "harmonious society." In the new historical era, what problems face the world and our society? Which issues should we address in order to realize "the New Axial Age" and our "harmonious society"?

II


Output: Entering into the 21st century, the learning of the Chinese classics becomes popular. There are various opinions and explanations on this phenomenon. The so-called "learning of the Chinese Classics" can be found in Zhouli · Chunguan · Yueshi 周礼·春官·乐师, which is the earliest record: "The duty of the official in charge of music is to administer the affairs of nation-owned school, and to teach the offspring of high-ranking officials music and dance." But, now, the "learning of the Chinese classics" seems to be the opposite of "Western learning." The reason is that as we face the influence of "Western learning," we encounter the problem of how to protect and develop our own traditional culture. The development of Chinese culture faces a dual task. One is that we must protect our culture, and maintain our cultural foundation. And the other is how we deal with Western culture. This has been the basis of the cultural dispute of "China and the West, the Ancient and the Modern" for the past hundred years. But today,


Output: Modern" for the past hundred years. But today, in the time of globalization, we must go out of the dispute, synchronize the teachings of "China and the West, and the Ancient and the Modern," and realize the ability of different cultures to coexist and prosper.


Output:
Today, there are various points of view about the "learning of the Chinese classics," especially Confucianism, in academic and cultural circles. I will give a brief introduction in the following passages.

i．Some scholars propose the outline as "the reconstruction of Chinese Confucianism." They think that we "must revive Confucianism omni-directionally in order to fight against the omni-directional challenge of Western civilization" and "the revival of Confucianism is an urgent affair to revive Chinese culture and reconstruct Chinese civilization." Therefore, they advocate establishing Confucianism as the national religion and realizing the so-called "combination of politics and religion" of China's ancient times (Jiang 2005, pp. 3-7).


Output: ii．There are two critiques of this point of view: One is from "the school of liberalism." The critics believe that "the theory that Confucianism can save the nation" counteracts contemporary democratic politics and is harmful to the idea of "equality." The critics assume that their purpose is to establish "Confucianism" as "the national religion," and they "attempt to ideologize Confucianism and make use of Confucianism as the instrument of dictatorship" (Chen 2006, p. 6). Another critique is from Marxist scholars. They think that "the essence of salvation in Confucianism is an exaggeration of moral function," and "to apply the ontological Dao of Heaven and ontological nature and destiny to pursue the kingliness Dao of politics, but this only leads to the trap of feudal dictatorship again." "The real savior can only be Marxism" (Ibid.).


Output: iii．Some scholars fully affirm "Confucianism" in order to maintain and develop Confucian thoughts. For instance, modern neo-Confucians think that "the Dao of kingliness without," which can adapt to modern democratic politics, can be developed from the learning of the sageliness within. They also think that the system of epistemology can develop from the Confucian "learning of mind and nature." Others think that " san gang wu chang 三纲五常 (the Three Bonds and the Five Moral Rules) in human relationships" still have value. In the 1994 conference, Tu Weiming gave up his former belief that the Three Bonds still had value for the belief that "the Five Moral Rules in human relationships still had value." His opinion on "cultural China" is important for making Chinese culture known to the world. But he divided "cultural China" into several circles, with the core circle including Chinese mainland, Taiwan, etc. The second circle includes the overseas Chinese. And the third circle includes those countries which have


Output: third circle includes those countries which have been influenced by Chinese culture. The fourth circle covers foreigners who study and enjoy Chinese culture. But one of his beliefs is debatable. He said: "The category of cultural China is very broad. Some persons who have no consanguineous relationship with China, but have a great impact on China are also a part of cultural China"(Tu 2002, p. 430). This is questionable. From this logic, we can infer the categories of "cultural Europe" and "cultural America," and that Chinese thinkers like Confucius, Mencius, Laozi, and Zhuangzi had an impact on them, so they are also a part of "cultural Europe" and "cultural America," too.


Output:
iv．Of course, some scholars think that the May Fourth Movement refuted Confucianism and to once again raise Confucianism to a high status is a historical regression.

How should we look at Confucian thoughts? There are various answers. Today, the many perspectives to this issue indicate that our society is progressing, because academic and cultural questions can only be raised in an environment of free discussion and improved by rational dialogue.


Output: Of course, I myself have my own opinion on "Confucianism," and debates will determine whether my opinion is right or not. It is just one voice. I have several opinions on academics and culture. First, there is no absolutely right way of thinking and culture in history, because each of them contains internal contradictions, including Confucianism. So, some aspects of Confucianism inevitably have historical limitations, and cannot adapt to the needs of modern society. The universal significance of Confucianism also needs to be interpreted in a modern way. Second, although thinking and culture are moving forward, the issues raised by ancient philosophers and their thoughts are the same as today because some philosophical issues last forever. For instance, the problem of "the relationship between human and nature" is still discussed in contemporary Chinese philosophy. Third, Bertrand Russell said: "Contacts between different civilizations have often in the past proved to be landmarks in human progress" (Russell


Output: to be landmarks in human progress" (Russell 1922, p. 195). Any culture that wants to have continuous historical development must absorb and digest other nations' cultures, and a culture can only keep up with other cultures through mutual exchanges, especially in the era of globalization. Looking at Chinese history, the entry of Indian Buddhism has proven this. Chinese culture has benefited from Indian Buddhism; Indian Buddhism was further developed and promoted in China. It was absorbed by Chinese culture and had a profound impact on neo-Confucianism in the time of the Song and Ming dynasties. Today, we must absorb and digest Western culture and other nations' cultures, fully and systematically in the time of globalization. Only in this way can Chinese academics and culture adapt to the demands of contemporary human society and our own nation's development. Therefore, our culture must be national and international. Fourth, cultural subjectivity should be established. Any national culture must take root in


Output: Any national culture must take root in its own soil because it is necessary to understand, comprehend, protect and develop a native culture fully in order to rationally and healthily develop as well as have the capacity to absorb other nations' cultures in depth. A culture that is unable to maintain its autonomy and is unable to absorb other nations' cultures to enrich and develop its own will be wiped out or completely assimilated.


Output: Based on the above discussions, we may analyze "Confucianism" from three different perspectives: political Confucianism, orthodox Confucianism, and academic Confucianism.


Output: Confucianism has been intertwined with politics in past dynasties; undoubtedly, it played an important role in feudal dictatorship. Confucianism pays special attention to its function in moral cultivation, which has a positive side, but the negative side leads to absolute rule, making China a society of "the rule of man," and making it difficult for China to achieve "the rule of law." Confucians often moralized politics and glorified political rule; and they also politicized morality, making it an instrument of politics. Of course, some of the political philosophy in Confucianism limited dictatorship. For instance, "to resist high-ranking official with virtue," "people are the most valuable" and "to kill a dictator"(King Xuan of Qi asked: "Is it tolerable if a government official kills his king?" Mencius said: "He who destroys benevolence and righteousness is called a dictator. I just heard about King Wu of Zhou, the first king of Zhou Dynasty, who killed the dictator Zhou 纣, the last ruler of the Shang


Output: the dictator Zhou 纣, the last ruler of the Shang Dynasty, and I have never heard that he killed his king as an official.")(Mencius 1980, Liang Huiwang Xia). It was also typical of Confucians to apply " tian 天 (Heaven)" in restricting the emperor's power. Confucians proposed that humans should revere "Heaven" and fate. In some circumstances, "the interaction between Heaven and man" can also restrict the "emperor's power." For instance, when natural disasters or strange phenomena happened, officials would write to the emperor to warn him. Then the emperor would have to publish an imperial self-criticism. But speaking as a whole, the negative function of political Confucianism is more obvious because it was used by politics. In any case, the thoughts of "stupid loyalty" and "my majesty is holy and wise, and your subject commits intolerable crime and should be put to death" are not advisable. So when Confucianism is manipulated by politicians, many problems arise.


Output: Orthodox Confucianism: the development and influence of schools with systematic traits and a successive heritage must have their own tradition whether it is in the West or in China. In China, Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism all have their own traditions. Because schools with traditions continuously develop, among them, Confucianism is especially conscious of inheriting its tradition, and Confucians regard the inheritance of the cultural traditions of the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties as their responsibility. Confucius inherits "the Dao of Yao and Shun and imitates King Wen and King Wu of Zhou" (Zisi 1980, Chapter 30). Therefore, today we should consciously inherit our own cultural tradition. But if Confucianism overemphasizes its "orthodox tradition," it might exclude other schools and suppress heterodoxy. Heterodoxy is to oppose and overthrow mainstream thought, and blaze a new path for new ways of thinking. Confucianism as a whole is relatively inclusive. For instance, Confucians hold that "the myriad


Output: For instance, Confucians hold that "the myriad things grow equally without harming each other and the circulation of the four seasons, the travel of the sun and the moon go smoothly without interference" (Ibid.). But sometimes there is also a strong sense of exclusiveness in Confucianism. For instance, Mencius rejected Yang Zhu and Mozi, and he criticized Yang Zhu's lack of filial piety to his father because he advocated universal and equal benevolence and Mozi's lack of loyalty to the emperor because he insisted that individuals came first. Here, Mencius goes too far. Another example is Han Yu's exclusion of Buddhism. At that time, Buddhism had caused some problems, including a tremendous waste of national wealth. But Han Yu suggested "the government should secularize Buddhism monks and nuns, burn off sutra, and transform Buddhism temples to civilian houses" (Han 1991, p. 174). His words go too far. It is not good if factionalism is too strong.